I’ve always felt like this was a great song of wakening. But that is for the listerner to decided.
otto's war room banner
Tuesday, September 30, 2008
I foung out
And while we are at it, what is going on in the Philippines
Military Lying: Not a single Red fighter killed during simultaneous
raids in Dapa and General Luna, and in subsequent pursuit operations in
Claver, Surigao del Norte
The National Democratic Front in North-Eastern Mindanao congratulates
the Pulang Diwata Command-New People’s Army in Surigao del Norte for the
daring and successful simultaneous raids of the Police Stations of Dapa
and General Luna, the CAFGU Detachment in General Luna and the
simultaneous destruction of three Globe Relay Stations in same areas
last June 28, 2008. The Red Fighters seized at least six (6) M16 rifles
and eleven (11) short firearms.
Various ammunitions and uniforms were also seized.
It further congratulates the Red Fighters for successfully resisting the
Regional Mobile Group (RMG) and the 30th IB PA who pursued them last
June 29, 2008 in Claver, Surigao del Norte. This resulted to the killing
of two RMG officials, a number of military elements from the 30th IB PA
and the wounding of more.
The NDF-NEMR refutes the claim of Maj. Armand Rico, spokesperson of the
military's Eastern Mindanao Command and Major Michelle Anayron,
information officer of the Army 4th Infantry Division, that five (5) Red
Fighters were captured and nine (9) more killed during pursuit
operations last June 29, 2008 in Claver, Surigao del Norte.
Not a single Red Fighter was killed inspite of massive pursuit
operations and air assault of the Regional Mobile Group and the
military, as the Red Fighters were able to immediately gain higher
ground and engage the enemy. The Red Fighters successfully resisted and
were able to withdraw safely. Some Red Fighters however, left their
backpacks in one of the pump boats as they positioned themselves to
fight back.
The police and military arrested pump boat operators who were hired by
the Red Fighters and are passing them off as members of the NPA raiding
team. These pump boat operators did not know that those who hired them
were members of the NPA or that they will be raiding the police stations
in Dapa and General Luna. We dare the police and military to name and
show the bodies of killed NPAs. We dare them to present those they claim
as captured NPAs and to give them due process in accordance with
international humanitarian laws.
The revolutionary movement also condemns the hamletting of Barangay
Lapinigan, Claver, which started last June 29, 2008 up to the present
along with the illegal arrest of civilians. In their desperate efforts
to pursue the Red Fighters, the military and police forces use fascist
tactics and are violating the human rights of civilians.
The NDF-NEMR challenges the people and the media to ask the witnesses
and the municipal and barangay officials of Claver on the real events
that transpired on June 29, 2008.
The victorious raids of the Pulang Diwata Command-NPA in Dapa and
General Luna and the successful defense action against the pursuit
operations of the RMG and military shows the capability of the New
People’s Army to engage the enemy as it defends the people from abuse of
power, exploitation and oppression through punishing abusive government
officials, police force and the military. It is a testimony of the
defeat of Oplan Bantay Laya II and the advancement of the revolutionary
movement.
Long live the New People’s Army!
Defeat Oplan Bantay Laya II!
Onward with the revolution!
Signed:
Ka Maria Malaya
Spokesperson
National Democratic Front-North Eastern
July 1, 2008
Great books….. But where do we get them???????
The book---Prachanda: The Unknown Revolutionary was launched on
September 19, 2008 at Kathmandu by Mr Subhas Nembwang, the Chairman of
Published by Mandala Book Point, the book is an intimate chronicle of
the personal life of Prachanda, the man who has captured the world's
imagination as a radical Communist leader.
The book has been written by Anirban Roy, the Kathmandu-based
correspondent of the Hindustan Times. It is based on talks with
hundreds of people who know the Maoist leader closely, ranging from
his father, wife and children to comrades and politicians.
The book gives the reader a glimpse into Prachanda's hidden life with
unknown anecdotes and rare photographs of his childhood and 25 years
of underground life.
Saturday, September 27, 2008
Who won the debate?
There are many scientific ways to judge a debate. When it comes to defending imperialism, I found this tool useful.
Do we all love Wall Steet?
I watched the news yesterday morning and saw both parties working hard to try and find a bail out solution for one of Wall Streets biggest investors. BOTH PARTYS working to preserve Wall Street? Then it came to me- both parties are openly capitalist and need rich people to survive so the rich man's system can survive. But are there any protesters against this huge bailout at our expense? Of course. We saw bits and pieces on the news, but naturally you need a blog to really let you know what is going on. As for the AlterNet article, Just click on it and read more.
Alternet
"Citizens Dumping Personal Junk on Wall Street to Protest Bailout"
By Sarah Lai Stirland, Wired.com. Posted September 25, 2008.
The Bush Administration has angered thousands of Americans with its vague $700 billion bailout proposal.
An e-mail that began as a rallying cry from a lone journalist to an influential circle of friends to protest the U.S. government bailout of Wall Street has ignited a national day of street protests. Some demonstrators plan to dump their rubbish in front of the bronze bull sculpture near Wall Street in downtown Manhattan Thursday.
"People are going to bring their own personal junk that they think is worth as much as the junk financial instruments that the government is proposing to buy from the Wall Street banks," says Andrew Boyd, an activist and freelance online-video artist for nonprofit groups in Manhattan. "We're hoping that people show up with their 8-track cassette collections, their old Spice Girl CDs, their surf boards that got bit by sharks and old Enron stock certificates."
Boyd is just one of thousands of Americans from all over the political spectrum who the Bush Administration has angered with its vague proposal to hand $700 billion over to Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson to restore U.S. financial markets' health. That anger has manifested itself online through e-mail, web sites and other online chatter, with one site, BuyMyShitPile.com, going rapidly viral this week. The site, a parody of the dire financial situation, is what is inspiring the self-organizing group of activists to show up in downtown Manhattan Thursday evening with all their junk. They hope to make their simmering fury palpable to Wall Streeters getting off work.
"Why should people who made financially imprudent decisions be rewarded?" asks Boyd, who is best known for founding the political protest theater group Billionaires For Bush. "It's our hard-earned tax dollars, and we're being asked to bail these guys out at the same time as this locks out all the things that we want for the future."
Boyd's is one of many voices of frustration. Other people's anger spilled out online, which in turn, is fueling the planned protests' momentum.
Arun Gupta, a 43-year-old freelance journalist in Manhattan, is someone else who was so upset by unfolding events that he was moved to action.
"I've been spending a lot of time reading about the intensifying crisis and the bailout plan," he says. "The more I read, the more outraged and flabbergasted I was: It became clear to me that this was the financial equivalent of the Sept. 11 attacks."
He was so upset that he banged out a passionately worded 629-word e-mail on his laptop Sunday afternoon urging his friends -- and anyone else who would listen -- to show up at the southern tip of Manhattan late Thursday afternoon to demonstrate. He says that he's never organized a protest before in his life.
"This week the White House is going to try to push through the biggest robbery in world history with nary a stitch of debate, to bail out the Wall Street bastards who created this economic apocalypse in the first place," he wrote. "This is the financial equivalent of September 11. They think, just like with the Patriot Act, they can use the shock to force through the "therapy," and we'll just roll over!"
He added:
Think about it: They said providing health care for 9 million children, perhaps costing $6 billion a year, was too expensive, but there's evidently no sum of money large enough that will sate the Wall Street pigs. If this passes, forget about any money for environmental protection, to counter global warming, for education, for national healthcare, to rebuild our decaying infrastructure, for alternative energy.
This is a historic moment. We need to act now while we can influence the debate. Let's demonstrate this Thursday at 4 p.m. in Wall Street (see below).
"Citizens Dumping Personal Junk on Wall Street to Protest Bailout"
By Sarah Lai Stirland, Wired.com. Posted September 25, 2008.
The Bush Administration has angered thousands of Americans with its vague $700 billion bailout proposal.
An e-mail that began as a rallying cry from a lone journalist to an influential circle of friends to protest the U.S. government bailout of Wall Street has ignited a national day of street protests. Some demonstrators plan to dump their rubbish in front of the bronze bull sculpture near Wall Street in downtown Manhattan Thursday.
"People are going to bring their own personal junk that they think is worth as much as the junk financial instruments that the government is proposing to buy from the Wall Street banks," says Andrew Boyd, an activist and freelance online-video artist for nonprofit groups in Manhattan. "We're hoping that people show up with their 8-track cassette collections, their old Spice Girl CDs, their surf boards that got bit by sharks and old Enron stock certificates."
Boyd is just one of thousands of Americans from all over the political spectrum who the Bush Administration has angered with its vague proposal to hand $700 billion over to Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson to restore U.S. financial markets' health. That anger has manifested itself online through e-mail, web sites and other online chatter, with one site, BuyMyShitPile.com, going rapidly viral this week. The site, a parody of the dire financial situation, is what is inspiring the self-organizing group of activists to show up in downtown Manhattan Thursday evening with all their junk. They hope to make their simmering fury palpable to Wall Streeters getting off work.
"Why should people who made financially imprudent decisions be rewarded?" asks Boyd, who is best known for founding the political protest theater group Billionaires For Bush. "It's our hard-earned tax dollars, and we're being asked to bail these guys out at the same time as this locks out all the things that we want for the future."
Boyd's is one of many voices of frustration. Other people's anger spilled out online, which in turn, is fueling the planned protests' momentum.
Arun Gupta, a 43-year-old freelance journalist in Manhattan, is someone else who was so upset by unfolding events that he was moved to action.
"I've been spending a lot of time reading about the intensifying crisis and the bailout plan," he says. "The more I read, the more outraged and flabbergasted I was: It became clear to me that this was the financial equivalent of the Sept. 11 attacks."
He was so upset that he banged out a passionately worded 629-word e-mail on his laptop Sunday afternoon urging his friends -- and anyone else who would listen -- to show up at the southern tip of Manhattan late Thursday afternoon to demonstrate. He says that he's never organized a protest before in his life.
"This week the White House is going to try to push through the biggest robbery in world history with nary a stitch of debate, to bail out the Wall Street bastards who created this economic apocalypse in the first place," he wrote. "This is the financial equivalent of September 11. They think, just like with the Patriot Act, they can use the shock to force through the "therapy," and we'll just roll over!"
He added:
Think about it: They said providing health care for 9 million children, perhaps costing $6 billion a year, was too expensive, but there's evidently no sum of money large enough that will sate the Wall Street pigs. If this passes, forget about any money for environmental protection, to counter global warming, for education, for national healthcare, to rebuild our decaying infrastructure, for alternative energy.
This is a historic moment. We need to act now while we can influence the debate. Let's demonstrate this Thursday at 4 p.m. in Wall Street (see below).
Friday, September 26, 2008
What do they think in Pakistan?
When we want to see what people really think of their country’s leadership, there are plenty of people who can provide an opinion the comes from those who actually live in the country. While this party may not represent everyone, they do represent a reasonable section of that country’s population:
Communist Workers & Peasants Party
Pakistan
Tuesday, August 24, 2004
"Murderous Civilization ! "
By Hussain Ahmed
While the General of the Rogue Pakistan Army smokes cigars in his arm chair in the President House and the former Citibank Bank man packs his bags to move in to Prime Minister House, the weak and oppressed of this country continue to be dishonoured, pillaged and plundered. Not concerned with the abysmal set of social patriarchal relations in Pakistan, the duo running the show do not want to disturb the status quo. The question really is: has any Pakistani government in the past tried to change this socio-political order. No prizes to answer that question. The vanguards of the capitalist and feudal system existing in this country make the rules here, dictating to us the absolute necessity of maintaining the antiquated set of relations in this country, claiming to protect us from the adulteration of Western values and modernization. And yet the government of this country cannot even protect its own female councillor from wretched stripping by a gang of perverted imbeciles, who it seems cannot be harmed either by the local government or the representative parliamentarians of Nowshera district. So much for "devolution of power", "empowerment at grass root level", "good governance", "haqiqi jamhooreeyat" (real democracy) that has been touted by the ideologists of "Development". One thought that Mukhtaran Bibi's case was enough to ruffle anyone, let alone the "man of honour" that the General claims he is. Yet, out comes Councillor Kulsoom Bibi to relate her plight! All of us are responsible for the predicament Kulsoom Bibi and many like her find themselves in. Can we give them answers? Can we overturn their torturous and painful experiences? This state, its ideology, its founders, its leaders stand disgracefully naked in front of the images of the women who have been dishonoured this way. Our silence will mean our complicity in the violations of women's fundamental rights. Fight Patriarchy !
"So many deeds cry out to be done, And always urgently; The world rolls on, Time presses. Ten thousand years are too long, Seize the day, seize the hour!"
~ Mao Tse-Tung 1963.
In Solidarity, Hussain (For a detailed discussion of the Marxist position on women, please refer to Engels' Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1884/origin-family/index.htm)
For more of this site click here.
Communist Workers & Peasants Party
Pakistan
Tuesday, August 24, 2004
"Murderous Civilization ! "
By Hussain Ahmed
While the General of the Rogue Pakistan Army smokes cigars in his arm chair in the President House and the former Citibank Bank man packs his bags to move in to Prime Minister House, the weak and oppressed of this country continue to be dishonoured, pillaged and plundered. Not concerned with the abysmal set of social patriarchal relations in Pakistan, the duo running the show do not want to disturb the status quo. The question really is: has any Pakistani government in the past tried to change this socio-political order. No prizes to answer that question. The vanguards of the capitalist and feudal system existing in this country make the rules here, dictating to us the absolute necessity of maintaining the antiquated set of relations in this country, claiming to protect us from the adulteration of Western values and modernization. And yet the government of this country cannot even protect its own female councillor from wretched stripping by a gang of perverted imbeciles, who it seems cannot be harmed either by the local government or the representative parliamentarians of Nowshera district. So much for "devolution of power", "empowerment at grass root level", "good governance", "haqiqi jamhooreeyat" (real democracy) that has been touted by the ideologists of "Development". One thought that Mukhtaran Bibi's case was enough to ruffle anyone, let alone the "man of honour" that the General claims he is. Yet, out comes Councillor Kulsoom Bibi to relate her plight! All of us are responsible for the predicament Kulsoom Bibi and many like her find themselves in. Can we give them answers? Can we overturn their torturous and painful experiences? This state, its ideology, its founders, its leaders stand disgracefully naked in front of the images of the women who have been dishonoured this way. Our silence will mean our complicity in the violations of women's fundamental rights. Fight Patriarchy !
"So many deeds cry out to be done, And always urgently; The world rolls on, Time presses. Ten thousand years are too long, Seize the day, seize the hour!"
~ Mao Tse-Tung 1963.
In Solidarity, Hussain (For a detailed discussion of the Marxist position on women, please refer to Engels' Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1884/origin-family/index.htm)
For more of this site click here.
Wednesday, September 24, 2008
Palin learns fireign policy
Palin will meat US client regemes today, who will have nothing to argue about, since they both depend on US handouts for their survival. They’re taking it easy on her. No hard core leaders who might make demands, such as North Korea’s Kim Jong Il or Vladimir Putin,
Palin enters diplomatic arena
Candidate meets two heads of state during trip to U.N.
By JULIET EILPERINWashington Post
Sept. 23, 2008, 11:04PM
TODAY'S LINEUP
Palin will continue to meet with foreign leaders today when she sits down with some of the U.S.'s closest allies in the developing world. She will meet with Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, Indian Prime Minister Manhoman Singh and Pakistani Prime Minister Asif Ali Zardari.
More news, plus forums and videos in Politics
NEW YORK — Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin made her diplomatic debut on Tuesday, meeting with two heads of state who had traveled to New York for the opening of the United Nations General Assembly.
Palin, who met with Afghan President Hamid Karzai and Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, engaged in small talk and policy discussions as part of her effort to augment her foreign policy credentials. Palin, who has traveled outside North America once, also met former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at his New York office.
Sen. John McCain's campaign sought to highlight the sessions with several photo-ops, though they limited the media's access, at one point barring print reporters from observing Palin's initial exchange with Karzai.
Shuttling from one meeting to another, Palin traveled across New York with the buzz of a high-profile personality. Her motorcade shut down traffic, and for a time police officers barred entry to her hotel. Tourists pulled out video cameras to film the governor at one point, prompting several police vehicles to drive on the sidewalk to protect the SUV in which Palin was riding. Traffic backed up, crowds gathered behind barricades and a supporter yelled, "We love you, Sarah!"
Palin also received her first national security briefing on Tuesday from U.S. director of national intelligence, Mike McConnell, and several of his aides — a standard practice for the two parties' nominees.
In a press briefing with reporters, Palin's senior foreign policy adviser Stephen Biegun said the Alaska governor did not issue policy pronouncements during the sessions with Karzai and Uribe, each of which lasted about a half-hour. Biegun said her goals were "to establish a relationship and to listen."
Biegun and McCain's senior foreign policy adviser, Randy Scheunemann, accompanied her to Tuesday's sessions.
Evaluating her experience
Palin's talks with the leaders resemble the trip Democratic nominee Barack Obama took over the summer, when the first-term senator met with military and foreign leaders in Iraq, Afghanistan, Britain, France and Germany. At the end of a trip designed to bolster his foreign policy credentials, Obama said, "The value to me of this trip is, hopefully, it gives voters a sense that I can in fact — and do — operate effectively on the international stage."
The senate office of Democratic vice-presidential candidate Joe Biden on Tuesday released a "partial list" showing that the Delaware senator has met the leaders of nearly 60 countries, territories and international organizations. The list ran to 150 names and included nine Israeli prime ministers, four Soviet leaders and two Russian presidents, Pope John Paul II and the Dalai Lama.
Foreign diplomats said they knew little about Palin, especially compared to Biden, who serves as the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
"The assumption is that she has not had great international experience," said one diplomat from a major European country. "Apart from that, nobody knows her. Biden is quite a well-known figure" in his capital, the diplomat said. "He's been there many times. Palin, well, she is an absolute stranger."
In the brief moments when Palin was visible to the press — after reporters protested, her aides allowed a single print journalist to watch the first minute of her afternoon sessions — she sought to forge a personal bond with Karzai.
He told Palin about his son, who was born in January 2007. With both of them smiling, and with Palin patting her heart at one point, Karzai told the governor his son's name is "Mirwais, which means, 'The Light of the House.' "
"Oh, nice," Palin replied.
"He is the only one we have," Karzai said.
Speaking later in the day at the Asia Society, Karzai described his meeting with the vice-presidential nominee as "very good. I found her quite a capable woman. She asked the right questions on Afghanistan." He added, "She was concerned and she said how can she help, so I'm very pleased with that meeting."
Both Karzai and Uribe discussed the topic of energy with Palin, Biegun said, with both of them describing it as "a national security issue."
Palin also journeyed Tuesday to the offices of Kissinger, with whom she met for more than an hour. The governor talked with the former secretary of state about some of America's most sensitive international relationships, Biegun said, with countries such as Russia, Iran and China.
NEW YORK — Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin made her diplomatic debut on Tuesday, meeting with two heads of state who had traveled to New York for the opening of the United Nations General Assembly.
Palin, who met with Afghan President Hamid Karzai and Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, engaged in small talk and policy discussions as part of her effort to augment her foreign policy credentials. Palin, who has traveled outside North America once, also met former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at his New York office.
Sen. John McCain's campaign sought to highlight the sessions with several photo-ops, though they limited the media's access, at one point barring print reporters from observing Palin's initial exchange with Karzai.
Shuttling from one meeting to another, Palin traveled across New York with the buzz of a high-profile personality. Her motorcade shut down traffic, and for a time police officers barred entry to her hotel. Tourists pulled out video cameras to film the governor at one point, prompting several police vehicles to drive on the sidewalk to protect the SUV in which Palin was riding. Traffic backed up, crowds gathered behind barricades and a supporter yelled, "We love you, Sarah!"
Palin also received her first national security briefing on Tuesday from U.S. director of national intelligence, Mike McConnell, and several of his aides — a standard practice for the two parties' nominees.
Comments
I think it is very important for a political novice, such as Palin, to learn how to deal with a US installed puppet, as opposed to someone who is a legitimate world leader.
Ag News
NEW YORK — Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin made her diplomatic debut on Tuesday, meeting with two heads of state who had traveled to New York for the opening of the United Nations General Assembly.
Palin, who met with Afghan President Hamid Karzai and Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, engaged in small talk and policy discussions as part of her effort to augment her foreign policy credentials. Palin, who has traveled outside North America once, also met former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at his New York office.
Sen. John McCain's campaign sought to highlight the sessions with several photo-ops, though they limited the media's access, at one point barring print reporters from observing Palin's initial exchange with Karzai.
Shuttling from one meeting to another, Palin traveled across New York with the buzz of a high-profile personality. Her motorcade shut down traffic, and for a time police officers barred entry to her hotel. Tourists pulled out video cameras to film the governor at one point, prompting several police vehicles to drive on the sidewalk to protect the SUV in which Palin was riding. Traffic backed up, crowds gathered behind barricades and a supporter yelled, "We love you, Sarah!"
Palin also received her first national security briefing on Tuesday from U.S. director of national intelligence, Mike McConnell, and several of his aides — a standard practice for the two parties' nominees.
Comments:
Colombia is now one of US’s main acceptance of foreign aid. It has had a 40 year Guerrilla war it has been unable to win on it’s own. US military hardware and advisors are keeping in operation. Again, this is not a true independent country, it is a solid client state of the US. I’m sure John McCain, (foreign affairs is one of the few areas he know about) want to make sure Palin doesn’t confuse fighting gorillas with Guerillas.
Palin enters diplomatic arena
Candidate meets two heads of state during trip to U.N.
By JULIET EILPERINWashington Post
Sept. 23, 2008, 11:04PM
TODAY'S LINEUP
Palin will continue to meet with foreign leaders today when she sits down with some of the U.S.'s closest allies in the developing world. She will meet with Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, Indian Prime Minister Manhoman Singh and Pakistani Prime Minister Asif Ali Zardari.
More news, plus forums and videos in Politics
NEW YORK — Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin made her diplomatic debut on Tuesday, meeting with two heads of state who had traveled to New York for the opening of the United Nations General Assembly.
Palin, who met with Afghan President Hamid Karzai and Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, engaged in small talk and policy discussions as part of her effort to augment her foreign policy credentials. Palin, who has traveled outside North America once, also met former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at his New York office.
Sen. John McCain's campaign sought to highlight the sessions with several photo-ops, though they limited the media's access, at one point barring print reporters from observing Palin's initial exchange with Karzai.
Shuttling from one meeting to another, Palin traveled across New York with the buzz of a high-profile personality. Her motorcade shut down traffic, and for a time police officers barred entry to her hotel. Tourists pulled out video cameras to film the governor at one point, prompting several police vehicles to drive on the sidewalk to protect the SUV in which Palin was riding. Traffic backed up, crowds gathered behind barricades and a supporter yelled, "We love you, Sarah!"
Palin also received her first national security briefing on Tuesday from U.S. director of national intelligence, Mike McConnell, and several of his aides — a standard practice for the two parties' nominees.
In a press briefing with reporters, Palin's senior foreign policy adviser Stephen Biegun said the Alaska governor did not issue policy pronouncements during the sessions with Karzai and Uribe, each of which lasted about a half-hour. Biegun said her goals were "to establish a relationship and to listen."
Biegun and McCain's senior foreign policy adviser, Randy Scheunemann, accompanied her to Tuesday's sessions.
Evaluating her experience
Palin's talks with the leaders resemble the trip Democratic nominee Barack Obama took over the summer, when the first-term senator met with military and foreign leaders in Iraq, Afghanistan, Britain, France and Germany. At the end of a trip designed to bolster his foreign policy credentials, Obama said, "The value to me of this trip is, hopefully, it gives voters a sense that I can in fact — and do — operate effectively on the international stage."
The senate office of Democratic vice-presidential candidate Joe Biden on Tuesday released a "partial list" showing that the Delaware senator has met the leaders of nearly 60 countries, territories and international organizations. The list ran to 150 names and included nine Israeli prime ministers, four Soviet leaders and two Russian presidents, Pope John Paul II and the Dalai Lama.
Foreign diplomats said they knew little about Palin, especially compared to Biden, who serves as the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
"The assumption is that she has not had great international experience," said one diplomat from a major European country. "Apart from that, nobody knows her. Biden is quite a well-known figure" in his capital, the diplomat said. "He's been there many times. Palin, well, she is an absolute stranger."
In the brief moments when Palin was visible to the press — after reporters protested, her aides allowed a single print journalist to watch the first minute of her afternoon sessions — she sought to forge a personal bond with Karzai.
He told Palin about his son, who was born in January 2007. With both of them smiling, and with Palin patting her heart at one point, Karzai told the governor his son's name is "Mirwais, which means, 'The Light of the House.' "
"Oh, nice," Palin replied.
"He is the only one we have," Karzai said.
Speaking later in the day at the Asia Society, Karzai described his meeting with the vice-presidential nominee as "very good. I found her quite a capable woman. She asked the right questions on Afghanistan." He added, "She was concerned and she said how can she help, so I'm very pleased with that meeting."
Both Karzai and Uribe discussed the topic of energy with Palin, Biegun said, with both of them describing it as "a national security issue."
Palin also journeyed Tuesday to the offices of Kissinger, with whom she met for more than an hour. The governor talked with the former secretary of state about some of America's most sensitive international relationships, Biegun said, with countries such as Russia, Iran and China.
NEW YORK — Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin made her diplomatic debut on Tuesday, meeting with two heads of state who had traveled to New York for the opening of the United Nations General Assembly.
Palin, who met with Afghan President Hamid Karzai and Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, engaged in small talk and policy discussions as part of her effort to augment her foreign policy credentials. Palin, who has traveled outside North America once, also met former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at his New York office.
Sen. John McCain's campaign sought to highlight the sessions with several photo-ops, though they limited the media's access, at one point barring print reporters from observing Palin's initial exchange with Karzai.
Shuttling from one meeting to another, Palin traveled across New York with the buzz of a high-profile personality. Her motorcade shut down traffic, and for a time police officers barred entry to her hotel. Tourists pulled out video cameras to film the governor at one point, prompting several police vehicles to drive on the sidewalk to protect the SUV in which Palin was riding. Traffic backed up, crowds gathered behind barricades and a supporter yelled, "We love you, Sarah!"
Palin also received her first national security briefing on Tuesday from U.S. director of national intelligence, Mike McConnell, and several of his aides — a standard practice for the two parties' nominees.
Comments
I think it is very important for a political novice, such as Palin, to learn how to deal with a US installed puppet, as opposed to someone who is a legitimate world leader.
Ag News
NEW YORK — Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin made her diplomatic debut on Tuesday, meeting with two heads of state who had traveled to New York for the opening of the United Nations General Assembly.
Palin, who met with Afghan President Hamid Karzai and Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, engaged in small talk and policy discussions as part of her effort to augment her foreign policy credentials. Palin, who has traveled outside North America once, also met former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at his New York office.
Sen. John McCain's campaign sought to highlight the sessions with several photo-ops, though they limited the media's access, at one point barring print reporters from observing Palin's initial exchange with Karzai.
Shuttling from one meeting to another, Palin traveled across New York with the buzz of a high-profile personality. Her motorcade shut down traffic, and for a time police officers barred entry to her hotel. Tourists pulled out video cameras to film the governor at one point, prompting several police vehicles to drive on the sidewalk to protect the SUV in which Palin was riding. Traffic backed up, crowds gathered behind barricades and a supporter yelled, "We love you, Sarah!"
Palin also received her first national security briefing on Tuesday from U.S. director of national intelligence, Mike McConnell, and several of his aides — a standard practice for the two parties' nominees.
Comments:
Colombia is now one of US’s main acceptance of foreign aid. It has had a 40 year Guerrilla war it has been unable to win on it’s own. US military hardware and advisors are keeping in operation. Again, this is not a true independent country, it is a solid client state of the US. I’m sure John McCain, (foreign affairs is one of the few areas he know about) want to make sure Palin doesn’t confuse fighting gorillas with Guerillas.
Palin like to hunt Polar Bears, which are extinct
Tuesday, September 23, 2008
Author Steve Otto will speak on the Ozark Music Festival of 1974 late in the spring of 2009
This year will be the 35th Anniversary of the Ozark Music Festival, in Sdalia, M0.
As it turn out, not many people have written about of spoken of the festival which fodr all practiacle purposes, was one of the last of the free-spirit, Woodstock type festivals. Since Author Steve Otto has written extensively about the festival from a position of actually attending that event, he will go on a number of speaking tours, in Sedalia to talk about both the festival itself and the time period which had such an impact. The Sedalia are of commerce is interested in putting up an exhibit in their museum of this even, and are interested in finding people who actually attended it.
Steve Otto has been chosen as one of those to speak on the event. The Sedalia Chamber of Commerce was interested to know, after buing it, that Otto’s book Memoirs Of A Drugged-up, Sex-crazed Yippie, has an entire chapter dedicated to the event.
Free Preview
When my friends and I watched the movie “Woodstock” in 1970, we could only imagine such an event. There was nudity among the concert goers, a nude swimming hole, open air markets for drugs and many concert goers were stoned out of their minds on acid. We had all been to many concerts in Kansas, but nothing like Woodstock. I was lucky to have made the last Woodstock-type festival, which was called the Ozark Music Festival.
It was in July of 1974 when we started hearing about it on the radio:
“The Ozark Music Festival, featuring the Eagles, Lynyrd Skynyrd, Bachman Turner Overdrive, The Ozark Mountain Daredevils, the Nitty Gritty Dirt Band, Bob Seger, America and REO Speedwagon.”
That was quite a line-up. The event was to be at the Missouri State Fairgrounds in Sedalia. It was a three-day event hosted by radio celebrity Wolfman Jack.
“We’ve got to go to this,” I told Janet as we were driving to my job one day.
“That sounds good” she replied. “I’ll bet some of my friends will go. It sounds like an actual rock festival.”
“That’s what I’m hoping. It’s a three-day event.”
The festival started on Friday, July 19. I had called in sick for the day off of work. Naturally we packed my Galaxy with a cooler, our sleeping bags, and the same green pup tent we had slept in at Marion Lake.
It was a long drive to Sedalia, at least six hours. We were just a little west of Kansas City, when we got off the Kansas Turnpike for a bathroom break. We both went into a service station to use their bathrooms, which had the usual stench of urine. When we came out, we both grabbed some Cokes. We sat down on a wooden bench just outside the station’s glass door and walls. A woman who was about my mother’s age with dark hair, glasses and wearing a dress, walked out the service station door and asked us where we were headed.
“We’re going to a rock festival in Sedalia,” Janet said.
“I admire you kids today,” she said. “You can do so many things we were afraid to do when I was young.”
I’m not sure exactly what kind of things she was talking about, but in general, I realized we were the generation that learned to live free of all the restraints of the last generation. We probably didn’t think much of it at the time, but the older generation was bound by restrictions that were hard for us to imagine. It was natural a few of them would realize what they had missed.
As with Woodstock, this was an enormous event with people pouring in from across the country. The traffic was miserable. There was a huge line of cars waiting to get to the fairground’s gate. It took us an hour to get in. Once we got in it was worth the wait. The festival was like a free-for-all. There were people holding up signs, mostly cardboard or poster board with magic maker lettering, for just about any drug we wanted:
“Acid, Speed, Downers, Mescaline, Cocaine,” the different signs people held up said.
Almost every type of psychedelic drug and any type of pot we could want was for sale.
“There’s some opium,” said Janet. “We got to stop. I definitely want some of that.”
We stopped the car. The tall young guy with black shoulder length hair had a brown, fold-up card table full of little round foil wrapped balls. Janet walked up and opened one of them. She smelled it and examined it carefully.
“It’s $10,” the guy said.
“I’ll take it,” said Janet.
As we drove down the roadway along the fence we headed for the campgrounds, which were set up all around the edges of the fair grounds. There were extra green port- potties set up. There were tents and cars everywhere. A huge stage was set up at one end of the fairground. The amusement rides were open and running. There were food vendors operating just as if it were an actual state fair.
As we searched for a camping spot, we ran into Mari and Rhonda. We stopped the car as we passed in front of their tent.
“Why don’t you guys set up here with us?” Mari said.
We agreed. We parked the car and began to pitch our tent. We had some Pabst beer in the cooler. Once we got settled in we decided to walk to the stage. As we walked there was a sea of people. The overwhelming majority of them were under 30. It looked like a freak festival with many longhaired guys and lots of tie-dyed T-shirts. It was hot and many of the guys had no shirts on.
As we ventured down the path to the stage, holding beers in our hands, I noticed a woman in her thirties, with cropped dark hair and glasses. As she passed me I noticed she wore a long dark colored dress and had bare saggy boobs. I suddenly realized that there was actual nudity at this event, just like I saw in the Woodstock movie.
We also passed by some guys barbecuing naked. Janet joked:
“Get some clothes on Ethel,” using the line out of the Ray Stevens’ song “The Streak.”
When we got to the stage it was standing room only. The bands had begun to play. I remember seeing Bachman Turner Overdrive playing but I don’t remember which day it was. There was a lot going on. People were getting stoned. I noticed another brunette woman, about my age and my height, who had untied her pink halter-top and pulled it down over her jean shorts to bear her top. She had long flowing hair and her boobs were average size.
“I don’t see anyone selling heroin,” Janet said as she looked at the drug stands. “I don’t see any real narcotics. I could settle for morphine or Dilaudid. Keep your eye out for Dilaudid. It’s a synthetic form of heroin. It’s really good.”
That was the first time I had heard of Dilaudid. I later found out it’s also called hydromorphone, a synthetic narcotic that junkies refer to as “drugstore heroin.” Janet seemed obsessed with finding narcotics. I just wanted to have some fun. There were plenty of joints being passed around and we had plenty of liquor.
As the bands wound down for the night, we headed back to our campsite. We walked past the food vendors to get some dinner. There was plenty to choose from even though it was a little expensive. We bought some beef stew from a vend0r and ate it at one of the many white wooden picnic tables that were set up in the area.
As we walked back to our tent, I noticed a group of people camped just down from us who were smoking a joint and passing it around. There was a tall longhaired guy with a green tie-dyed T-shirt holding a bag of dope. With him were a tall slender blond guy with a yellow tie-dyed shirt and a girl with long dark hair flowing down her back, who wore a long red dress down to her feet, with no top on. She had large breasts shaped like basketballs, with small, thick, dark nipples.
“At other rock festivals I’ve been to people shared their drugs,” Janet said. “Everyone here seems to be off to themselves. There’s not much sharing. It used to be... ‘Hey come in this tent and do some MDA’ or ‘let’s do some acid in here.”
I had to think to myself, was it really like that? Or was Janet remembering things better than they really were. She had been to other festivals and this was my first one.
When we got to the campsite, Mari and Rhonda weren’t there.
“I’m drunk enough I can take my shirt off now,” Janet said. “If a guy can take his shirt off I don’t see why a woman can’t. It’s stupid for a guy to act like a monkey just because a woman takes off her shirt. People need to just get used to it.”
She lifted up her white T-shirt and took it off. She walked around to the campsite, most of the night with her boobs boldly and proudly displayed for all to see.
“We might as well smoke some of that opium,” Janet said.
She picked up a beer can and flattened the side of it, then poked holes in it. I had seen other people make emergency hash pipes that way before. She put a little piece of the black opium on over the holes.
“At least we can share,” Janet said.
She called over to a couple in the next tent:
“Do you guys want to smoke some opium,” She asked.
“Sure.”
The guy, who was tall and had long dark hair, and his girlfriend, a short skinny blond girl, came over and joined us.
“I’m Rob,” they guy said.
“I’m Jill,” the girl added.
Of the four of us, Jill was the only one wearing a top.
As it turn out, not many people have written about of spoken of the festival which fodr all practiacle purposes, was one of the last of the free-spirit, Woodstock type festivals. Since Author Steve Otto has written extensively about the festival from a position of actually attending that event, he will go on a number of speaking tours, in Sedalia to talk about both the festival itself and the time period which had such an impact. The Sedalia are of commerce is interested in putting up an exhibit in their museum of this even, and are interested in finding people who actually attended it.
Steve Otto has been chosen as one of those to speak on the event. The Sedalia Chamber of Commerce was interested to know, after buing it, that Otto’s book Memoirs Of A Drugged-up, Sex-crazed Yippie, has an entire chapter dedicated to the event.
Free Preview
When my friends and I watched the movie “Woodstock” in 1970, we could only imagine such an event. There was nudity among the concert goers, a nude swimming hole, open air markets for drugs and many concert goers were stoned out of their minds on acid. We had all been to many concerts in Kansas, but nothing like Woodstock. I was lucky to have made the last Woodstock-type festival, which was called the Ozark Music Festival.
It was in July of 1974 when we started hearing about it on the radio:
“The Ozark Music Festival, featuring the Eagles, Lynyrd Skynyrd, Bachman Turner Overdrive, The Ozark Mountain Daredevils, the Nitty Gritty Dirt Band, Bob Seger, America and REO Speedwagon.”
That was quite a line-up. The event was to be at the Missouri State Fairgrounds in Sedalia. It was a three-day event hosted by radio celebrity Wolfman Jack.
“We’ve got to go to this,” I told Janet as we were driving to my job one day.
“That sounds good” she replied. “I’ll bet some of my friends will go. It sounds like an actual rock festival.”
“That’s what I’m hoping. It’s a three-day event.”
The festival started on Friday, July 19. I had called in sick for the day off of work. Naturally we packed my Galaxy with a cooler, our sleeping bags, and the same green pup tent we had slept in at Marion Lake.
It was a long drive to Sedalia, at least six hours. We were just a little west of Kansas City, when we got off the Kansas Turnpike for a bathroom break. We both went into a service station to use their bathrooms, which had the usual stench of urine. When we came out, we both grabbed some Cokes. We sat down on a wooden bench just outside the station’s glass door and walls. A woman who was about my mother’s age with dark hair, glasses and wearing a dress, walked out the service station door and asked us where we were headed.
“We’re going to a rock festival in Sedalia,” Janet said.
“I admire you kids today,” she said. “You can do so many things we were afraid to do when I was young.”
I’m not sure exactly what kind of things she was talking about, but in general, I realized we were the generation that learned to live free of all the restraints of the last generation. We probably didn’t think much of it at the time, but the older generation was bound by restrictions that were hard for us to imagine. It was natural a few of them would realize what they had missed.
As with Woodstock, this was an enormous event with people pouring in from across the country. The traffic was miserable. There was a huge line of cars waiting to get to the fairground’s gate. It took us an hour to get in. Once we got in it was worth the wait. The festival was like a free-for-all. There were people holding up signs, mostly cardboard or poster board with magic maker lettering, for just about any drug we wanted:
“Acid, Speed, Downers, Mescaline, Cocaine,” the different signs people held up said.
Almost every type of psychedelic drug and any type of pot we could want was for sale.
“There’s some opium,” said Janet. “We got to stop. I definitely want some of that.”
We stopped the car. The tall young guy with black shoulder length hair had a brown, fold-up card table full of little round foil wrapped balls. Janet walked up and opened one of them. She smelled it and examined it carefully.
“It’s $10,” the guy said.
“I’ll take it,” said Janet.
As we drove down the roadway along the fence we headed for the campgrounds, which were set up all around the edges of the fair grounds. There were extra green port- potties set up. There were tents and cars everywhere. A huge stage was set up at one end of the fairground. The amusement rides were open and running. There were food vendors operating just as if it were an actual state fair.
As we searched for a camping spot, we ran into Mari and Rhonda. We stopped the car as we passed in front of their tent.
“Why don’t you guys set up here with us?” Mari said.
We agreed. We parked the car and began to pitch our tent. We had some Pabst beer in the cooler. Once we got settled in we decided to walk to the stage. As we walked there was a sea of people. The overwhelming majority of them were under 30. It looked like a freak festival with many longhaired guys and lots of tie-dyed T-shirts. It was hot and many of the guys had no shirts on.
As we ventured down the path to the stage, holding beers in our hands, I noticed a woman in her thirties, with cropped dark hair and glasses. As she passed me I noticed she wore a long dark colored dress and had bare saggy boobs. I suddenly realized that there was actual nudity at this event, just like I saw in the Woodstock movie.
We also passed by some guys barbecuing naked. Janet joked:
“Get some clothes on Ethel,” using the line out of the Ray Stevens’ song “The Streak.”
When we got to the stage it was standing room only. The bands had begun to play. I remember seeing Bachman Turner Overdrive playing but I don’t remember which day it was. There was a lot going on. People were getting stoned. I noticed another brunette woman, about my age and my height, who had untied her pink halter-top and pulled it down over her jean shorts to bear her top. She had long flowing hair and her boobs were average size.
“I don’t see anyone selling heroin,” Janet said as she looked at the drug stands. “I don’t see any real narcotics. I could settle for morphine or Dilaudid. Keep your eye out for Dilaudid. It’s a synthetic form of heroin. It’s really good.”
That was the first time I had heard of Dilaudid. I later found out it’s also called hydromorphone, a synthetic narcotic that junkies refer to as “drugstore heroin.” Janet seemed obsessed with finding narcotics. I just wanted to have some fun. There were plenty of joints being passed around and we had plenty of liquor.
As the bands wound down for the night, we headed back to our campsite. We walked past the food vendors to get some dinner. There was plenty to choose from even though it was a little expensive. We bought some beef stew from a vend0r and ate it at one of the many white wooden picnic tables that were set up in the area.
As we walked back to our tent, I noticed a group of people camped just down from us who were smoking a joint and passing it around. There was a tall longhaired guy with a green tie-dyed T-shirt holding a bag of dope. With him were a tall slender blond guy with a yellow tie-dyed shirt and a girl with long dark hair flowing down her back, who wore a long red dress down to her feet, with no top on. She had large breasts shaped like basketballs, with small, thick, dark nipples.
“At other rock festivals I’ve been to people shared their drugs,” Janet said. “Everyone here seems to be off to themselves. There’s not much sharing. It used to be... ‘Hey come in this tent and do some MDA’ or ‘let’s do some acid in here.”
I had to think to myself, was it really like that? Or was Janet remembering things better than they really were. She had been to other festivals and this was my first one.
When we got to the campsite, Mari and Rhonda weren’t there.
“I’m drunk enough I can take my shirt off now,” Janet said. “If a guy can take his shirt off I don’t see why a woman can’t. It’s stupid for a guy to act like a monkey just because a woman takes off her shirt. People need to just get used to it.”
She lifted up her white T-shirt and took it off. She walked around to the campsite, most of the night with her boobs boldly and proudly displayed for all to see.
“We might as well smoke some of that opium,” Janet said.
She picked up a beer can and flattened the side of it, then poked holes in it. I had seen other people make emergency hash pipes that way before. She put a little piece of the black opium on over the holes.
“At least we can share,” Janet said.
She called over to a couple in the next tent:
“Do you guys want to smoke some opium,” She asked.
“Sure.”
The guy, who was tall and had long dark hair, and his girlfriend, a short skinny blond girl, came over and joined us.
“I’m Rob,” they guy said.
“I’m Jill,” the girl added.
Of the four of us, Jill was the only one wearing a top.
Memoirs of a Drugged-Up, Sex-Crazed Yippie: Tales from the 1970s counter-culture: Drugs, sex, politics and rock and roll
Friday, September 19, 2008
The US economy- glub glub!
Unnecessary war (and the debt needed to pay for it)-
Inflated housing markets-
A glut of unnecessary large gas guzzling vehicles-
Complete neglect of the environment so we can keep up our inflated life styles-
JUST PLAIN GREED-
Don’t forget a President who still can’t give a coherent speech. “We will persecute them (bad investers)”
It finally caught up with us. Yes, the US economy is sinking like the Titanic. Although they will probably find a way to fix it – I just LOVE to watch those rich people squirm!
The “conservative” Republican answer is always the same.
Throw money at the rich.
Not only that- this is not a good time to be running for re-election as a REPUBLIKKKAN!!! Did you hear that John McCain, Todd Tiahrt, Pat Robertson?
Inflated housing markets-
A glut of unnecessary large gas guzzling vehicles-
Complete neglect of the environment so we can keep up our inflated life styles-
JUST PLAIN GREED-
Don’t forget a President who still can’t give a coherent speech. “We will persecute them (bad investers)”
It finally caught up with us. Yes, the US economy is sinking like the Titanic. Although they will probably find a way to fix it – I just LOVE to watch those rich people squirm!
The “conservative” Republican answer is always the same.Throw money at the rich.
Not only that- this is not a good time to be running for re-election as a REPUBLIKKKAN!!! Did you hear that John McCain, Todd Tiahrt, Pat Robertson?Wednesday, September 17, 2008
The riot of red flags
This article was published in the Himal Southasian. Posting this piece does not imply agreement. However this article contains information on the developing Maoist struggle in India.
The riot of red flags
By: Ajai Sahni
http://www.himalmag .com/The- riot-of-red- flags_nw1941. html
The strategies and tactics of the Naxalites are there for all to see, but the Indian establishment is yet to understand this agenda of `protracted warfare'.
India's Naxalite movement – to which contemporary Indian Maoists directly trace their lineage – emerged as a wildfire insurrection in 1967 in the Naxalbari area of North Bengal. After a few years of dramatic violence, however, that movement was comprehensively suppressed by 1973, with the entire top leadership of what was then the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) , either jailed or dead. What little remained of its splintered survivor organisations was destroyed during Indira Gandhi's Emergency of 1975. It was with the formation in 1980 of the People's War Group (PWG) – under the leadership of Kondapalli Seetharamaiah, an erstwhile Central Organising Committee member of the CPI (ML), in the Telengana region of Andhra Pradesh – and the reorganisation of the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) in Bihar in the mid-1980s, that the movement resurfaced in some strength.
Initial successes were, again, rapid, and by the mid-1980s, 31 districts in seven states were experiencing Naxalite violence. By the early 1990s, however, the problem had been eliminated from at least 16 of these districts, bringing the total number of affected districts to just 15 in four states. Thereafter, the reconstruction of the Naxalites was initially more systematic, with wider areas being targeted and consolidated. In recent years, however, the growth of the movement has been exponential. Thus, at the meeting of what is known as the Central Coordination Committee of states affected by the Naxalite movement, on 21 November 2003, then-Union Home Secretary N Gopalaswami disclosed that a total of 55 districts in nine states were affected by varying degrees of Naxalite violence. Just ten months later, on 21 September 2004, an official note circulated at the meeting of chief ministers of states experiencing Naxalite violence, indicating that this number had gone up to as many as 156 districts in 13 states. By August 2007, the official number had risen to 194 districts in 18 states. Not all of these districts and states were, of course, seething with Maoist violence. Just 62 of these were categorised as `highly affected', reflecting significant levels of violence. Another 53 districts were categorised as `moderately affected', indicating high levels of political mobilisation and some violence. Meanwhile, 79 districts fell into the `marginally affected' category, in which preliminary political mobilisation was detected. Sources indicate that intelligence estimates now put at least 220 districts in 22 states into the sphere of varying degrees of Maoist influence and activity.It is important to recognise that the phase when there is violence, which is ordinarily the point at which the state takes cognisance of the problem, actually comes at the tail end of the process of mass mobilisation. This is the stage when neutralising the threat will require considerable, if not massive, use of force. From the all-important preventive perspective, then, it is useful to chart not merely the current expanse of visible Maoist mobilisation and militancy, but also to understand the extent of their current intentions, ambitions and agenda. `Protecting' AdivasisThe Maoist rampage has been enormously accelerated by the unification, in September 2004, of the two principal parties, the PWG and the MCC, which had long dominated – and contested control over – the purported `Red Corridor', running from Andhra Pradesh to the borders of Nepal. With the PWG and the Communist Party of India (Party Unity) having merged in August 1998, this consolidation of the most significant Maoist formations in the country resulted in augmented capacities to intensify the `people's war' in the country. Significantly, the CPI (Maoist) has established regional bureaus that are responsible for nearly two-thirds of the country, further sub-divided into multiple lower-level jurisdictions in which the process of mobilisation has been assigned to local leaders. There are at least five regional bureaus, 13 state committees, two special area committees and three special zonal committees in the country. There is also evidence of preliminary activity for the extension of operations to new areas, including Gujarat, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir and Meghalaya. Moreover, in 2004 the Maoists articulated a new strategy to target urban centres in their "Urban Perspective" document, which offered guidelines for "working in towns and cities", and for the revival of a mobilisation targeting students and the urban unemployed. Two principal `industrial belts' were also identified as targets for urban mobilisation: Bhilai-Ranchi- Dhanbad-Calcutta and Bombay-Pune- Surat-Ahmedabad.The Maoist enterprise has secured ground in the administrative and political vacuum that extends over vast areas of India, where the state has systematically and chronically failed to provide the public goods and services as it is required to – including security of life and property, criminal justice, and opportunities for social and economic growth. In such circumstances, it is inevitable that another entity would step in to fill the vacuum. It is also inevitable that, in most such cases, such an entity would not be constrained by the limits of law or established procedure in its activism among local populations; as a consequence, such activism will tend to be violent. The unfortunate reality is that the mechanism of rural administration in areas experiencing Naxalite activity has been made ineffective, wherever it may have evolved beyond the primitive structures of colonial governance. Elsewhere, the Naxalites became active where, due to state incompetence, corruption and criminalisation of the political leadership, the rural administration has deteriorated to the point of paralysis. The problem is compounded manifold in Adivasi and forest areas by an ill-conceived policy of isolation that, under the influence of well-intentioned European social-anthropologi sts, was adopted throughout the country shortly after Independence, with the intention of `protecting' the culture and interests of the Adivasi population. Such an isolationist policy has been a total failure. It has kept the Adivasis poor and outside the ambit of development, has been unable to protect them from exploitation and abuse, and has deepened economic deprivation through an increasing alienation of indigenous rights over forest produce and wealth. As such, this approach is now long overdue for a re-examination. The vulnerabilities of the Indian state have been compounded further by decades of misgovernance in ever-widening areas of the country, along with the steady erosion of the integrity and efficacy of established institutions of administration and justice. Over the past decade and a half, processes of liberalisation and globalisation have also unleashed a new and fractious dynamic, provoking or intensifying conflict between the beneficiaries of the new economics and those who have been further marginalised by them. These structural vulnerabilities of the Indian system have helped the Maoists secure tremendous and cumulative successes – despite the occasional reverses, as presently in Andhra Pradesh. These successes are underpinned by the extraordinary strategic and tactical coherence of their movement, which remains little understood within the echelons of political and administrative power in India, and within a large proportion of the security establishment itself. No effective response to the Maoist challenge in India is possible unless this strategic and tactical `understructure' is fully documented and understood. Weapons and peopleIn critical need of recognition is the point that extreme violence is an integral element of the Maoist ideology, and not a mere tactical expedient. "Political power", as Mao Tse-tung put it, "grows out of the barrel of a gun." And extreme violence is at the heart of this formulation. "To put it bluntly," Mao noted,it is necessary to create terror for a while in every rural area, or otherwise it would be impossible to suppress the activities of the counter-revolutiona ries in the countryside or overthrow the authority of the gentry. Proper limits have to be exceeded in order to right a wrong, or else the wrong cannot be righted. India's Maoists are explicit in their insistence that violence is the only instrument through which their revolution can be realised. CPI (Maoist) General-Secretary Muppala Laxmana Rao (aka `Ganapathy') argues, the question of armed struggle … is independent of one's will. It is a law borne out by all historical experience. It is a fact of history that nowhere in the world, nowhere in historical development of the class society, had the reactionary ruling classes given up power without resorting to violent suppression of the mass protests … until they are thrown out by force.Another commentator in People's March, the CPI (Maoist) party journal, contends, "The question is not of violence vs non-violence, but whether it is just to take up arms against a most violent and brutal state … The Maoists say it is just to take up arms as part of the overall process to change a brutal and violent system." Many in the mainstream Indian political leadership have articulated the hope that the decision of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) to join the democratic process could serve as a future model for their Indian ideological brethren, tempting them away from their current commitment to violent insurrection. Such hopes are entirely misplaced. For one thing, the Indian Maoists have explicitly rejected the Nepali Maoists' `present tactics' – those of joining with the mainstream political system. They warn that these could set in motion "an irreversible process of losing all the revolutionary gains achieved till now". The Indian Maoists also contemptuously reject any suggestion that they could choose, at any point in the future, to participate in what their spokesman, `Azad', described as "the parliamentary pig-sty in India". India's Maoists are, of course, yet to decide whether the Nepali Maoists' engagement with democracy is a `betrayal' or a tactical innovation leading to an eventual and total seizure of power. If it is the former, the CPN (Maoist) will be seen simply to have joined the ranks of the many `revisionists' and `right opportunists' that are thought to have corrupted the movement through its history. If it is the latter, this new stratagem will be studied with care, in order to determine its utility and the conditions in which it would apply. Such an approach, however, holds little promise of any early abandonment of violence by the CPI (Maoist). If its Nepali counterpart is, in fact, able to secure an absolute seizure of power through it `present tactics', it will only be because the Maoists of Nepal had already created a situation of extraordinary disruptive dominance across wide – indeed overwhelming – geographical areas in the country. The Nepali Maoist's `present tactics' can only be relevant to India in some future situation in which the Indian Maoists have already secured comparable disruptive dominance, and the existing political and administrative order has been pushed to comparable conditions of decay and disintegration – a still-distant possibility in India.Securing these conditions of decay and disintegration is, in fact, the objective of the Naxalite `people's war', and its principal instrumentality is the strategy of protracted warfare. As the "Programme and Constitution" of the PWG's People's Guerrilla Army (PGA) declared, "The line of protracted people's war is our military strategy," and further, "The PGA firmly opposes the pure military outlook which is divorced from the masses, and adventurism. It will function adhering to the mass line." The `mass line' rejects the `left adventurism' often attributed to the earlier Naxalite movement of the 1967-73 phase, and insists that the military aspects of the revolution are contingent on mass mobilisation. Mao, in "On Protracted War", notes, "We see not only weapons but also people. Weapons are an important factor in war, but not the decisive factor; it is people, not things, that are decisive." The idea of protracted war clearly recognises the strengths and superiority of the state's present forces and alignments, but recognises, equally, its vulnerabilities. Mao declares,The enemy is strong and we are weak, and the danger of subjugation is there. But in other respects the enemy has shortcomings and we have advantages. The enemy's advantage can be reduced and his shortcomings aggravated by our efforts. On the other hand, our advantages can be enhanced and our shortcoming remedied by our efforts. Thus, the CPI (Maoist) document on "Strategy & Tactics" likewise notes,However strong the enemy's military power may be and however weak the people's military power, by basing ourselves in the vast backward countryside – the weakest position of the enemy – and relying on the vast masses of the peasantry, eager for agrarian revolution, and creatively following the flexible strategy and tactics of guerrilla struggle and the protracted people's war … and following the policy and tactics of sudden attack and annihilation, it is absolutely possible to defeat the enemy forces and achieve victory for the people in single battles. Front organisationsThe Maoists believe that there is, at present, an "excellent revolutionary situation in India", and have clearly declared that "the seizure of state power should be the goal of all our activity". After their 9th `Unity' Congress in January-February 2007, they outlined an inventory of "immediate tasks", to include, among others, the following:• Coordinate the people's war with the ongoing armed struggles of the various oppressed nationalities in Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland, Manipur and other parts of the Northeast.• Build a broad UF [United Front] of all secular forces and persecuted religious minorities such as Muslims, Christians and Sikhs …• Build a secret party apparatus which is impregnable to the enemy's attacks …• Build open and secret mass organisations amongst the workers, peasants, youth, students, women and other sections of the people …• Build the people's militia in all the villages in the guerrilla zones as the base force of the PGA [People's Guerrilla Army]. Also build armed self-defence units in other areas of class struggle, as well as in the urban areas.The Maoist strategy is clearly to fish in every troubled Indian water, and to exploit every potential issue and grievance, in order to generate a campaign of protest and agitation. The principal vehicles for these `partial struggles' are `front' or `cover' organisations of the Maoists themselves, on the one hand; and, on the other, a range of individuals and organisations best described, in a phrase often (incorrectly) attributed to Lenin, as `useful idiots' – well-intentioned persons who are unaware of the broader strategy and agenda they are unwittingly promoting through their support to unquestionably admirable causes. As the "Political and Organisational Review" of the erstwhile PWG noted, Cover organisations are indispensable in areas where our mass organisations are not allowed to function openly … There are two types of cover organisations: one, those which are formed on a broad basis by ourselves; and two, those organisations led by other forces which we utilise by working from within without getting exposed.This strategy has already contributed to abrupt and unexpected violence in a number of cases in the recent past, with the role of Maoist provocateurs often discovered much after the event. The impeccable causes embraced in this cynical strategy include caste conflict, and the escalating tensions over the displacement and attempted imposition of special economic zones in West Bengal and Orissa. During September 2006 in Khairlanji, in Bhandara District of Maharashtra, a Dalit family of four was murdered following the rape of two women. Protest demonstrations abruptly escalated into violence with the intervention of Maoist fronts and activists. A subsequent Maoist "Resolution against Dalit Killings in Khairlanji" declared, "The Dalit masses knew that Maoists have always stood with the oppressed. The masses took inspiration from this and intensified their agitation." While protests against the special economic zones were initiated by various other parties and non-governmental groups, the Maoist involvement was progressively visible. This was eventually acknowledged by Ganapathy, who observed, "One should only be surprised if we are not involved in such life-and-death issues of the masses … Struggles against the SEZs acquiring fertile farmland of the peasants and also huge projects are turning more and more militant … As for our role in such movements, we shall definitely make all efforts to be in the forefront and lead the movement in the correct direction."Indeed, current Maoist debates and documents condemn the "second wave of economic reforms" as a "violent assault on the right to life and livelihood of the masses", and call for "an uncompromising opposition to the present model and all the policies that are coming up". Internal debates on the issue have further underlined the "need to build a huge movement against displacement and the very model of development itself", and to unite all "genuine democratic and anti-imperialist forces … to create a tornado of dissent that forces the rulers to stop this juggernaut." The issues at stake envisaged for potential mobilisation focus on "development driven through big dams, super highways and other infrastructural projects … gigantic mining projects, Special Economic Zones (SEZs), urban renewal and beautification" .Within the same pattern, the "Political and Organisational Review" of the PWG noted, in March 2001, that united fronts and joint action committees have prioritised "burning issues of the peasantry such as for water, power, remunerative prices for agricultural produce, against exploitation by traders, against suicides by the peasantry, against the WTO [World Trade Organisation] , and on worker, student, women, Adivasi and Dalit issues." Thus, further, "issue-based temporary joint activity with other forces has been the general form of UF [United Front] undertaken by our Party at various levels." Suitable issues are not picked up randomly or opportunistically, but are based on extensive `investigations' into `social conditions and tactics', and are meticulously reconciled with the broader Maoist strategy and agenda.As noted previously, these various causes are laudable, and no one can be faulted for extending support to demands for greater equity, justice and access in these spheres. For the Maoists, however, these campaigns are an integral component of their strategy of political consolidation, necessarily leading to military mobilisation. In Maoist doctrine, these `partial struggles' are no more than a tactical element in the protracted war, and they have no intrinsic value of their own. These `struggles' create the networks and recruitment base for the Maoist militia and armed cadres. Where partial struggles thrive, an army is being raised. These `peaceful' or sporadically violent movements are eventually and inevitably intended to yield to armed warfare. The objective is to "isolate the enemy by organising the people into various cover organisations and build joint fronts in order to mobilise the masses into struggles to defeat the enemy offensive". Army formation, the Maoists insist, "is the precondition for the new political power", and "all this activity should serve to intensify and extend our armed struggle. Any joint activity or tactical alliances which does not serve the cause of the peoples' war will be a futile exercise." The "Urban Perspective" document envisages the formation of `Open Self Defence Teams' and armed `Secret Self Defence Squads' in urban areas. For the latter, the document notes, "One significant form of activity is to participate along with the masses and give them the confidence to undertake militant mass action. Other tasks are to secretly hit particular targets who are obstacles in the advance of the mass movement."The Maoists are – and have long been – working in accordance with a plan. This gives their movement great strength; but to the extent that this design is well known, it also makes the Maoists enormously vulnerable. Regrettably, while there is a handful of officers in the security and intelligence establishment who are aware of the details of this design, the general grasp in the security and political leadership at the state level and at the Centre remains weak. There is, moreover, the added constraint that the Maoist strategy exploits the vulnerabilities of constitutional governance and its freedoms, and the security apparatus has only limited instrumentalities of containment available in the initial stages of subversion and mass mobilisation. The response of the Indian state remains trapped in an `emergency response paradigm' that has little relevance in dealing with the protracted war strategies of the Maoists.Ajai Sahni is the executive director of the Institute for Conflict Management, editor of the South Asia Intelligence Review, and executive editor of Faultlines: Writings on conflict and resolution.
HOME PAGE OF YAHOO! GROUPhttp://www.groups.yahoo.com/group/MAOIST_REVOLUTION
The riot of red flags
By: Ajai Sahni
http://www.himalmag .com/The- riot-of-red- flags_nw1941. html
The strategies and tactics of the Naxalites are there for all to see, but the Indian establishment is yet to understand this agenda of `protracted warfare'.
India's Naxalite movement – to which contemporary Indian Maoists directly trace their lineage – emerged as a wildfire insurrection in 1967 in the Naxalbari area of North Bengal. After a few years of dramatic violence, however, that movement was comprehensively suppressed by 1973, with the entire top leadership of what was then the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) , either jailed or dead. What little remained of its splintered survivor organisations was destroyed during Indira Gandhi's Emergency of 1975. It was with the formation in 1980 of the People's War Group (PWG) – under the leadership of Kondapalli Seetharamaiah, an erstwhile Central Organising Committee member of the CPI (ML), in the Telengana region of Andhra Pradesh – and the reorganisation of the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) in Bihar in the mid-1980s, that the movement resurfaced in some strength.
Initial successes were, again, rapid, and by the mid-1980s, 31 districts in seven states were experiencing Naxalite violence. By the early 1990s, however, the problem had been eliminated from at least 16 of these districts, bringing the total number of affected districts to just 15 in four states. Thereafter, the reconstruction of the Naxalites was initially more systematic, with wider areas being targeted and consolidated. In recent years, however, the growth of the movement has been exponential. Thus, at the meeting of what is known as the Central Coordination Committee of states affected by the Naxalite movement, on 21 November 2003, then-Union Home Secretary N Gopalaswami disclosed that a total of 55 districts in nine states were affected by varying degrees of Naxalite violence. Just ten months later, on 21 September 2004, an official note circulated at the meeting of chief ministers of states experiencing Naxalite violence, indicating that this number had gone up to as many as 156 districts in 13 states. By August 2007, the official number had risen to 194 districts in 18 states. Not all of these districts and states were, of course, seething with Maoist violence. Just 62 of these were categorised as `highly affected', reflecting significant levels of violence. Another 53 districts were categorised as `moderately affected', indicating high levels of political mobilisation and some violence. Meanwhile, 79 districts fell into the `marginally affected' category, in which preliminary political mobilisation was detected. Sources indicate that intelligence estimates now put at least 220 districts in 22 states into the sphere of varying degrees of Maoist influence and activity.It is important to recognise that the phase when there is violence, which is ordinarily the point at which the state takes cognisance of the problem, actually comes at the tail end of the process of mass mobilisation. This is the stage when neutralising the threat will require considerable, if not massive, use of force. From the all-important preventive perspective, then, it is useful to chart not merely the current expanse of visible Maoist mobilisation and militancy, but also to understand the extent of their current intentions, ambitions and agenda. `Protecting' AdivasisThe Maoist rampage has been enormously accelerated by the unification, in September 2004, of the two principal parties, the PWG and the MCC, which had long dominated – and contested control over – the purported `Red Corridor', running from Andhra Pradesh to the borders of Nepal. With the PWG and the Communist Party of India (Party Unity) having merged in August 1998, this consolidation of the most significant Maoist formations in the country resulted in augmented capacities to intensify the `people's war' in the country. Significantly, the CPI (Maoist) has established regional bureaus that are responsible for nearly two-thirds of the country, further sub-divided into multiple lower-level jurisdictions in which the process of mobilisation has been assigned to local leaders. There are at least five regional bureaus, 13 state committees, two special area committees and three special zonal committees in the country. There is also evidence of preliminary activity for the extension of operations to new areas, including Gujarat, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir and Meghalaya. Moreover, in 2004 the Maoists articulated a new strategy to target urban centres in their "Urban Perspective" document, which offered guidelines for "working in towns and cities", and for the revival of a mobilisation targeting students and the urban unemployed. Two principal `industrial belts' were also identified as targets for urban mobilisation: Bhilai-Ranchi- Dhanbad-Calcutta and Bombay-Pune- Surat-Ahmedabad.The Maoist enterprise has secured ground in the administrative and political vacuum that extends over vast areas of India, where the state has systematically and chronically failed to provide the public goods and services as it is required to – including security of life and property, criminal justice, and opportunities for social and economic growth. In such circumstances, it is inevitable that another entity would step in to fill the vacuum. It is also inevitable that, in most such cases, such an entity would not be constrained by the limits of law or established procedure in its activism among local populations; as a consequence, such activism will tend to be violent. The unfortunate reality is that the mechanism of rural administration in areas experiencing Naxalite activity has been made ineffective, wherever it may have evolved beyond the primitive structures of colonial governance. Elsewhere, the Naxalites became active where, due to state incompetence, corruption and criminalisation of the political leadership, the rural administration has deteriorated to the point of paralysis. The problem is compounded manifold in Adivasi and forest areas by an ill-conceived policy of isolation that, under the influence of well-intentioned European social-anthropologi sts, was adopted throughout the country shortly after Independence, with the intention of `protecting' the culture and interests of the Adivasi population. Such an isolationist policy has been a total failure. It has kept the Adivasis poor and outside the ambit of development, has been unable to protect them from exploitation and abuse, and has deepened economic deprivation through an increasing alienation of indigenous rights over forest produce and wealth. As such, this approach is now long overdue for a re-examination. The vulnerabilities of the Indian state have been compounded further by decades of misgovernance in ever-widening areas of the country, along with the steady erosion of the integrity and efficacy of established institutions of administration and justice. Over the past decade and a half, processes of liberalisation and globalisation have also unleashed a new and fractious dynamic, provoking or intensifying conflict between the beneficiaries of the new economics and those who have been further marginalised by them. These structural vulnerabilities of the Indian system have helped the Maoists secure tremendous and cumulative successes – despite the occasional reverses, as presently in Andhra Pradesh. These successes are underpinned by the extraordinary strategic and tactical coherence of their movement, which remains little understood within the echelons of political and administrative power in India, and within a large proportion of the security establishment itself. No effective response to the Maoist challenge in India is possible unless this strategic and tactical `understructure' is fully documented and understood. Weapons and peopleIn critical need of recognition is the point that extreme violence is an integral element of the Maoist ideology, and not a mere tactical expedient. "Political power", as Mao Tse-tung put it, "grows out of the barrel of a gun." And extreme violence is at the heart of this formulation. "To put it bluntly," Mao noted,it is necessary to create terror for a while in every rural area, or otherwise it would be impossible to suppress the activities of the counter-revolutiona ries in the countryside or overthrow the authority of the gentry. Proper limits have to be exceeded in order to right a wrong, or else the wrong cannot be righted. India's Maoists are explicit in their insistence that violence is the only instrument through which their revolution can be realised. CPI (Maoist) General-Secretary Muppala Laxmana Rao (aka `Ganapathy') argues, the question of armed struggle … is independent of one's will. It is a law borne out by all historical experience. It is a fact of history that nowhere in the world, nowhere in historical development of the class society, had the reactionary ruling classes given up power without resorting to violent suppression of the mass protests … until they are thrown out by force.Another commentator in People's March, the CPI (Maoist) party journal, contends, "The question is not of violence vs non-violence, but whether it is just to take up arms against a most violent and brutal state … The Maoists say it is just to take up arms as part of the overall process to change a brutal and violent system." Many in the mainstream Indian political leadership have articulated the hope that the decision of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) to join the democratic process could serve as a future model for their Indian ideological brethren, tempting them away from their current commitment to violent insurrection. Such hopes are entirely misplaced. For one thing, the Indian Maoists have explicitly rejected the Nepali Maoists' `present tactics' – those of joining with the mainstream political system. They warn that these could set in motion "an irreversible process of losing all the revolutionary gains achieved till now". The Indian Maoists also contemptuously reject any suggestion that they could choose, at any point in the future, to participate in what their spokesman, `Azad', described as "the parliamentary pig-sty in India". India's Maoists are, of course, yet to decide whether the Nepali Maoists' engagement with democracy is a `betrayal' or a tactical innovation leading to an eventual and total seizure of power. If it is the former, the CPN (Maoist) will be seen simply to have joined the ranks of the many `revisionists' and `right opportunists' that are thought to have corrupted the movement through its history. If it is the latter, this new stratagem will be studied with care, in order to determine its utility and the conditions in which it would apply. Such an approach, however, holds little promise of any early abandonment of violence by the CPI (Maoist). If its Nepali counterpart is, in fact, able to secure an absolute seizure of power through it `present tactics', it will only be because the Maoists of Nepal had already created a situation of extraordinary disruptive dominance across wide – indeed overwhelming – geographical areas in the country. The Nepali Maoist's `present tactics' can only be relevant to India in some future situation in which the Indian Maoists have already secured comparable disruptive dominance, and the existing political and administrative order has been pushed to comparable conditions of decay and disintegration – a still-distant possibility in India.Securing these conditions of decay and disintegration is, in fact, the objective of the Naxalite `people's war', and its principal instrumentality is the strategy of protracted warfare. As the "Programme and Constitution" of the PWG's People's Guerrilla Army (PGA) declared, "The line of protracted people's war is our military strategy," and further, "The PGA firmly opposes the pure military outlook which is divorced from the masses, and adventurism. It will function adhering to the mass line." The `mass line' rejects the `left adventurism' often attributed to the earlier Naxalite movement of the 1967-73 phase, and insists that the military aspects of the revolution are contingent on mass mobilisation. Mao, in "On Protracted War", notes, "We see not only weapons but also people. Weapons are an important factor in war, but not the decisive factor; it is people, not things, that are decisive." The idea of protracted war clearly recognises the strengths and superiority of the state's present forces and alignments, but recognises, equally, its vulnerabilities. Mao declares,The enemy is strong and we are weak, and the danger of subjugation is there. But in other respects the enemy has shortcomings and we have advantages. The enemy's advantage can be reduced and his shortcomings aggravated by our efforts. On the other hand, our advantages can be enhanced and our shortcoming remedied by our efforts. Thus, the CPI (Maoist) document on "Strategy & Tactics" likewise notes,However strong the enemy's military power may be and however weak the people's military power, by basing ourselves in the vast backward countryside – the weakest position of the enemy – and relying on the vast masses of the peasantry, eager for agrarian revolution, and creatively following the flexible strategy and tactics of guerrilla struggle and the protracted people's war … and following the policy and tactics of sudden attack and annihilation, it is absolutely possible to defeat the enemy forces and achieve victory for the people in single battles. Front organisationsThe Maoists believe that there is, at present, an "excellent revolutionary situation in India", and have clearly declared that "the seizure of state power should be the goal of all our activity". After their 9th `Unity' Congress in January-February 2007, they outlined an inventory of "immediate tasks", to include, among others, the following:• Coordinate the people's war with the ongoing armed struggles of the various oppressed nationalities in Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland, Manipur and other parts of the Northeast.• Build a broad UF [United Front] of all secular forces and persecuted religious minorities such as Muslims, Christians and Sikhs …• Build a secret party apparatus which is impregnable to the enemy's attacks …• Build open and secret mass organisations amongst the workers, peasants, youth, students, women and other sections of the people …• Build the people's militia in all the villages in the guerrilla zones as the base force of the PGA [People's Guerrilla Army]. Also build armed self-defence units in other areas of class struggle, as well as in the urban areas.The Maoist strategy is clearly to fish in every troubled Indian water, and to exploit every potential issue and grievance, in order to generate a campaign of protest and agitation. The principal vehicles for these `partial struggles' are `front' or `cover' organisations of the Maoists themselves, on the one hand; and, on the other, a range of individuals and organisations best described, in a phrase often (incorrectly) attributed to Lenin, as `useful idiots' – well-intentioned persons who are unaware of the broader strategy and agenda they are unwittingly promoting through their support to unquestionably admirable causes. As the "Political and Organisational Review" of the erstwhile PWG noted, Cover organisations are indispensable in areas where our mass organisations are not allowed to function openly … There are two types of cover organisations: one, those which are formed on a broad basis by ourselves; and two, those organisations led by other forces which we utilise by working from within without getting exposed.This strategy has already contributed to abrupt and unexpected violence in a number of cases in the recent past, with the role of Maoist provocateurs often discovered much after the event. The impeccable causes embraced in this cynical strategy include caste conflict, and the escalating tensions over the displacement and attempted imposition of special economic zones in West Bengal and Orissa. During September 2006 in Khairlanji, in Bhandara District of Maharashtra, a Dalit family of four was murdered following the rape of two women. Protest demonstrations abruptly escalated into violence with the intervention of Maoist fronts and activists. A subsequent Maoist "Resolution against Dalit Killings in Khairlanji" declared, "The Dalit masses knew that Maoists have always stood with the oppressed. The masses took inspiration from this and intensified their agitation." While protests against the special economic zones were initiated by various other parties and non-governmental groups, the Maoist involvement was progressively visible. This was eventually acknowledged by Ganapathy, who observed, "One should only be surprised if we are not involved in such life-and-death issues of the masses … Struggles against the SEZs acquiring fertile farmland of the peasants and also huge projects are turning more and more militant … As for our role in such movements, we shall definitely make all efforts to be in the forefront and lead the movement in the correct direction."Indeed, current Maoist debates and documents condemn the "second wave of economic reforms" as a "violent assault on the right to life and livelihood of the masses", and call for "an uncompromising opposition to the present model and all the policies that are coming up". Internal debates on the issue have further underlined the "need to build a huge movement against displacement and the very model of development itself", and to unite all "genuine democratic and anti-imperialist forces … to create a tornado of dissent that forces the rulers to stop this juggernaut." The issues at stake envisaged for potential mobilisation focus on "development driven through big dams, super highways and other infrastructural projects … gigantic mining projects, Special Economic Zones (SEZs), urban renewal and beautification" .Within the same pattern, the "Political and Organisational Review" of the PWG noted, in March 2001, that united fronts and joint action committees have prioritised "burning issues of the peasantry such as for water, power, remunerative prices for agricultural produce, against exploitation by traders, against suicides by the peasantry, against the WTO [World Trade Organisation] , and on worker, student, women, Adivasi and Dalit issues." Thus, further, "issue-based temporary joint activity with other forces has been the general form of UF [United Front] undertaken by our Party at various levels." Suitable issues are not picked up randomly or opportunistically, but are based on extensive `investigations' into `social conditions and tactics', and are meticulously reconciled with the broader Maoist strategy and agenda.As noted previously, these various causes are laudable, and no one can be faulted for extending support to demands for greater equity, justice and access in these spheres. For the Maoists, however, these campaigns are an integral component of their strategy of political consolidation, necessarily leading to military mobilisation. In Maoist doctrine, these `partial struggles' are no more than a tactical element in the protracted war, and they have no intrinsic value of their own. These `struggles' create the networks and recruitment base for the Maoist militia and armed cadres. Where partial struggles thrive, an army is being raised. These `peaceful' or sporadically violent movements are eventually and inevitably intended to yield to armed warfare. The objective is to "isolate the enemy by organising the people into various cover organisations and build joint fronts in order to mobilise the masses into struggles to defeat the enemy offensive". Army formation, the Maoists insist, "is the precondition for the new political power", and "all this activity should serve to intensify and extend our armed struggle. Any joint activity or tactical alliances which does not serve the cause of the peoples' war will be a futile exercise." The "Urban Perspective" document envisages the formation of `Open Self Defence Teams' and armed `Secret Self Defence Squads' in urban areas. For the latter, the document notes, "One significant form of activity is to participate along with the masses and give them the confidence to undertake militant mass action. Other tasks are to secretly hit particular targets who are obstacles in the advance of the mass movement."The Maoists are – and have long been – working in accordance with a plan. This gives their movement great strength; but to the extent that this design is well known, it also makes the Maoists enormously vulnerable. Regrettably, while there is a handful of officers in the security and intelligence establishment who are aware of the details of this design, the general grasp in the security and political leadership at the state level and at the Centre remains weak. There is, moreover, the added constraint that the Maoist strategy exploits the vulnerabilities of constitutional governance and its freedoms, and the security apparatus has only limited instrumentalities of containment available in the initial stages of subversion and mass mobilisation. The response of the Indian state remains trapped in an `emergency response paradigm' that has little relevance in dealing with the protracted war strategies of the Maoists.Ajai Sahni is the executive director of the Institute for Conflict Management, editor of the South Asia Intelligence Review, and executive editor of Faultlines: Writings on conflict and resolution.
HOME PAGE OF YAHOO! GROUPhttp://www.groups.yahoo.com/group/MAOIST_REVOLUTION
Monday, September 15, 2008
Slattery on the sinking US economy
What a wonderful time to talk about a sinking economy, or shoud I say a sinking ship. The following is critique of the Repbuclicans by the opponent to Sen. Pat Roberts- RepubliKKKan:
Statement from Jim Slattery on Financial Crisis
Irresponsible economic policy to blame
Dodge City, KS- The following is a statement from Jim Slattery, candidate for the U.S. Senate, regarding the recent financial crisis.
"The recent economic turmoil which Alan Greenspan, former chairman of the Federal Reserve, yesterday called the worst financial crisis in a century, is a direct result of the irresponsible spend and borrow fiscal policy of the Bush Administration and the lack of accountability and oversight provided by Congress over Wall Street.
"My opponent, Sen. Pat Roberts has voted for these failed economic policies time and time again in lock step with President Bush. In 2001, our nation had a budget surplus of $127 billion and we were talking about paying off our national debt. This year the annual budget deficit is projected to be a near-record $389 billion and our country owes over $9 trillion in debt.
"Politicians in Washington have ignored the signs of this impending economic crisis for too long and failed to employ sensible economic policies. It is clear that Kansans cannot afford another six years of Sen. Roberts."
# # #
-- Abbie HodgsonDirector of Communications
Slattery for Senate785.232.6800 (office)785.215.0530 (cell)
Statement from Jim Slattery on Financial Crisis
Irresponsible economic policy to blame
Dodge City, KS- The following is a statement from Jim Slattery, candidate for the U.S. Senate, regarding the recent financial crisis.
"The recent economic turmoil which Alan Greenspan, former chairman of the Federal Reserve, yesterday called the worst financial crisis in a century, is a direct result of the irresponsible spend and borrow fiscal policy of the Bush Administration and the lack of accountability and oversight provided by Congress over Wall Street.
"My opponent, Sen. Pat Roberts has voted for these failed economic policies time and time again in lock step with President Bush. In 2001, our nation had a budget surplus of $127 billion and we were talking about paying off our national debt. This year the annual budget deficit is projected to be a near-record $389 billion and our country owes over $9 trillion in debt.
"Politicians in Washington have ignored the signs of this impending economic crisis for too long and failed to employ sensible economic policies. It is clear that Kansans cannot afford another six years of Sen. Roberts."
# # #
-- Abbie HodgsonDirector of Communications
Slattery for Senate785.232.6800 (office)785.215.0530 (cell)
Richard Wright, a founding member of the rock group PinkFloyd, died
One of my favourite musicians responsible for one of my favourite all time bands has died. Richard Wright, a founding member of the rock group PinkFloyd, died Monday. He was 65. He has always been a driving force in the band and when he left after a dispute with the album and film, The Wall, the band was never the same again. For all practical purposes, Pink Floyd had died. For more information see my other blog Counter-culture Freak. --史蒂夫・奥多
Free Four
Pink Floyd
Obscured by Clouds
Free Four
Pink Floyd
Obscured by Clouds
News from Bhutan
Google Translation of the araticle below:
At the end of last month, police Sikkimese detubo to Bhudiman Bhujel, an alleged member of the Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist-Leninist - Maoist). With a score of plastic explosive ordnance gelatin. According to the police that accompanied the militant responsible for the clandestine weapons PCBh (mlm) Comrade Prakash Adhikari who fled from the police and sought to enter Bhutan from India. A senior official of the Office of Intelligence india said that people in camps for refugees in Nepal had begun work on 10 projects of water power in Sikkim. Affirming that this was the third or fourth case of theft of explosives this year. He added that the two men were linked to thefts of explosives in Sikkim.
At the end of last month, police Sikkimese detubo to Bhudiman Bhujel, an alleged member of the Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist-Leninist - Maoist). With a score of plastic explosive ordnance gelatin. According to the police that accompanied the militant responsible for the clandestine weapons PCBh (mlm) Comrade Prakash Adhikari who fled from the police and sought to enter Bhutan from India. A senior official of the Office of Intelligence india said that people in camps for refugees in Nepal had begun work on 10 projects of water power in Sikkim. Affirming that this was the third or fourth case of theft of explosives this year. He added that the two men were linked to thefts of explosives in Sikkim.
BHUTAN: Detienen a militante maoísta con explosivos.
A finales del mes pasado, la policia de Sikkimese detubo a Bhudiman Bhujel, un supuesto miembro del Partido Comunista de Bhután (marxista-leninista - maoísta)., con una veintena de artefactos explosivos de gelatina plastica. Segun la policia este militante acompañaba al responsable de armamento del clandestino PCBh (mlm) camarada Prakash Adhikari que huyo de la policia y pretendian entran a Bhutan desde la India.
Un alto funcionario de la Oficina de Inteligencia india dijo que personas de los campamentos para refugiados en Nepal habían empezado a trabajar en los 10 proyectos de fuerza hidráulica en Sikkim. Afirmando que este fue el tercero o cuarto caso de robo de explosivos este año. El agregó que los dos hombres estaban relacionados con los robos de explosivos en Sikkim.
correovermello noticias esta para servir a las masas populares en el conocimiento de las noticias de la Revolucion Proletaria Mundial
saudos vermellos / saludos rojos
Un alto funcionario de la Oficina de Inteligencia india dijo que personas de los campamentos para refugiados en Nepal habían empezado a trabajar en los 10 proyectos de fuerza hidráulica en Sikkim. Afirmando que este fue el tercero o cuarto caso de robo de explosivos este año. El agregó que los dos hombres estaban relacionados con los robos de explosivos en Sikkim.
correovermello noticias esta para servir a las masas populares en el conocimiento de las noticias de la Revolucion Proletaria Mundial
saudos vermellos / saludos rojos
http://www.groups.yahoo.com/group/MAOIST_REVOLUTION
Sunday, September 14, 2008
Friday, September 12, 2008
More people call for a US rebellion
I’m not the only one who believes we need a rebellion to stop the run-away-militarist-over consumption ways of the US. On the information clearing house, Zinn proposes a need for a rebellion to break the power of the two party system and sees this country as a powerful empire that is headed for disaster.
From Information Clearing House:
“Howard Zinn: US 'In Need of Rebellion'
Q: Is there any hope the US will change its approach to the rest of the world?
HZ: If there is any hope, the hope lies in the American people.
[It] lies in American people becoming resentful enough and indignant enough over what has happened to their country, over the loss of dignity in the world, over the starving of human resources in the United States, the starving of education and health, the takeover of the political mechanism by corporate power and the result this has on the everyday lives of the American people.
[There is also] the higher and higher food prices, the more and more insecurity, the sending of the young people to war.
I think all of this may very well build up into a movement of rebellion.
We have seen movements of rebellion in the past: The labour movement, the civil rights movement, the movement against the war in Vietnam.
I think we may well see, if the United States keeps heading in the same direction, a new popular movement. That is the only hope for the United States…….”
He also spoke of a need for us to get the word out to the rest of the world that there is great opposition to the US government and we are not all just in love with Prez George Bush:
“Q: What should the world know about the United States?
HZ: What I find many people in the rest of the world don't know is that there is an opposition in the United States.
Very often, people in the rest of the world think that Bush is popular, they think 'oh, he was elected twice', they don't understand the corruption of the American political system which enabled Bush to win twice.
They don't understand the basic undemocratic nature of the American political system in which all power is concentrated within two parties which are not very far from one another and people cannot easily tell the difference.
So I think we are in a situation where we are going to need some very fundamental changes in American society if the American people are going to be finally satisfied with the kind of society we have…….”
To see the rest of this click here.
When It Comes to Obama, The FO卐 is WRONG!
From Information Clearing House:
“Howard Zinn: US 'In Need of Rebellion'
Q: Is there any hope the US will change its approach to the rest of the world?
HZ: If there is any hope, the hope lies in the American people.
[It] lies in American people becoming resentful enough and indignant enough over what has happened to their country, over the loss of dignity in the world, over the starving of human resources in the United States, the starving of education and health, the takeover of the political mechanism by corporate power and the result this has on the everyday lives of the American people.
[There is also] the higher and higher food prices, the more and more insecurity, the sending of the young people to war.
I think all of this may very well build up into a movement of rebellion.
We have seen movements of rebellion in the past: The labour movement, the civil rights movement, the movement against the war in Vietnam.
I think we may well see, if the United States keeps heading in the same direction, a new popular movement. That is the only hope for the United States…….”
He also spoke of a need for us to get the word out to the rest of the world that there is great opposition to the US government and we are not all just in love with Prez George Bush:
“Q: What should the world know about the United States?
HZ: What I find many people in the rest of the world don't know is that there is an opposition in the United States.
Very often, people in the rest of the world think that Bush is popular, they think 'oh, he was elected twice', they don't understand the corruption of the American political system which enabled Bush to win twice.
They don't understand the basic undemocratic nature of the American political system in which all power is concentrated within two parties which are not very far from one another and people cannot easily tell the difference.
So I think we are in a situation where we are going to need some very fundamental changes in American society if the American people are going to be finally satisfied with the kind of society we have…….”
To see the rest of this click here.
When It Comes to Obama, The FO卐 is WRONG!
로동신문 미국의 남조선강점은 자주권실현의 근본장애
(평양 9월 11일발 조선중앙통신)11일부 《로동신문》은 개인필명의 론설에서 63년에 걸치는 미국의 남조선강점은 조선민족의 자주권을 유린하고 평화를 파괴하면서 조국통일을 가로막아온 범죄의 력사이라고 폭로하였다.
론설은 미제의 남조선강점은 침략적인 대아시아전략의 산물이라고 하면서 다음과 같이 지적하였다.
미국의 남조선강점은 자주적발전에 대한 우리 민족의 한결같은 념원에 대한 악랄한 유린이다.
남조선의 정치, 경제, 문화, 군사 등 모든 분야의 통치권을 틀어쥔 미국은 인민들의 자유와 권리를 짓밟고 생존권까지 유린하였다.
미국은 사회의 자주화와 민주화, 조국통일을 위한 남조선인민들의 정의의 애국투쟁을 악랄하게 탄압하였다.
미국의 남조선강점은 조선반도의 평화를 위협하면서 전쟁위험을 몰아오는 범죄행위이다.
우리 공화국을 적대시하는 《악의 축》망발과 북침핵선제타격을 기정사실화한 《핵태세검토보고서》, 《전략적유연성》의 간판밑에 감행되는 남조선강점 미제침략군의 대대적인 무력증강과 최첨단군사장비들의 남조선반입, 날로 모험적인것으로 변모되는 북침합동군사연습들은 조선반도에서 평화를 파괴하는 장본인이 다름아닌 미국이라는것을 여지없이 폭로해주고있다.
미국의 남조선강점은 조국통일위업의 근본장애이다.
미국은 남조선에 대한 정치군사적지배와 간섭을 강화하면서 우리 민족의 통일기운을 말살하려고 악랄하게 책동하였다.
미국의 반통일적인 책동은 6.15공동선언의 채택이후 더욱 로골화되고있다.우리 민족이 외세에게 유린당하는 민족적자주권을 회복하고 조국통일의 력사적위업을 성취하기 위해서는 미제의 남조선강점을 결단코 끝장내야 한다.(끝)
론설은 미제의 남조선강점은 침략적인 대아시아전략의 산물이라고 하면서 다음과 같이 지적하였다.
미국의 남조선강점은 자주적발전에 대한 우리 민족의 한결같은 념원에 대한 악랄한 유린이다.
남조선의 정치, 경제, 문화, 군사 등 모든 분야의 통치권을 틀어쥔 미국은 인민들의 자유와 권리를 짓밟고 생존권까지 유린하였다.
미국은 사회의 자주화와 민주화, 조국통일을 위한 남조선인민들의 정의의 애국투쟁을 악랄하게 탄압하였다.
미국의 남조선강점은 조선반도의 평화를 위협하면서 전쟁위험을 몰아오는 범죄행위이다.
우리 공화국을 적대시하는 《악의 축》망발과 북침핵선제타격을 기정사실화한 《핵태세검토보고서》, 《전략적유연성》의 간판밑에 감행되는 남조선강점 미제침략군의 대대적인 무력증강과 최첨단군사장비들의 남조선반입, 날로 모험적인것으로 변모되는 북침합동군사연습들은 조선반도에서 평화를 파괴하는 장본인이 다름아닌 미국이라는것을 여지없이 폭로해주고있다.
미국의 남조선강점은 조국통일위업의 근본장애이다.
미국은 남조선에 대한 정치군사적지배와 간섭을 강화하면서 우리 민족의 통일기운을 말살하려고 악랄하게 책동하였다.
미국의 반통일적인 책동은 6.15공동선언의 채택이후 더욱 로골화되고있다.우리 민족이 외세에게 유린당하는 민족적자주권을 회복하고 조국통일의 력사적위업을 성취하기 위해서는 미제의 남조선강점을 결단코 끝장내야 한다.(끝)
From Korea News Service
Translation:
End to U.S. Presence in S. Korea Called for
Pyongyang, September 11 (KCNA) -- The 63-year-long presence of the U.S. in south Korea marked the history of crimes during which it has infringed upon the sovereignty of the Korean nation and harassed peace, obstructing the reunification of Korea. Rodong Sinmun Thursday says this in a signed article. The U.S. imperialists' presence in south Korea is a product of their strategy for aggression of Asia, the article notes, and goes on: The U.S. presence in south Korea is a wanton violation of the unanimous desire of the Korean nation for the independent development. It has trampled down upon the freedom and rights of the people and even infringed upon their vital rights after putting the political, economic, cultural, military and other fields of south Korea under its control. It has also violently suppressed the just patriotic struggle of the south Koreans for independence and democratization of the society and national reunification. Its presence in south Korean is a criminal act of threatening peace on the Korean Peninsula and bringing the danger of war. It raised a hue and cry over "axis of evil" revealing its hostility toward the DPRK, mapped out "a report on nuclear posture" which made the nuclear preemptive attack on the DPRK an established fact, massively beefed up its imperialist aggression forces in south Korea under the signboard of "strategic flexibility", introduced ultra-modern military hardware into south Korea and staged joint military exercises against the DPRK getting ever more adventurous as the days go by. These go to clearly prove that the U.S. is a chieftain harassing peace on the Korean Peninsula. The U.S. presence in south Korea is a stumbling block lying in the way of achieving the cause of national reunification. The U.S. has worked hard to calm down Koreans' desire for reunification while intensifying its political and military domination over south Korea and interference in its internal affairs. The U.S. anti-reunification moves have become ever more undisguised after the adoption of the June 15 joint declaration. The Korean nation have to put an end to the U.S. imperialists' presence in south Korea without fail in order to retake the national sovereignty which has been violated by foreign forces and achieve the historic cause of national reunification.
Pyongyang, September 11 (KCNA) -- The 63-year-long presence of the U.S. in south Korea marked the history of crimes during which it has infringed upon the sovereignty of the Korean nation and harassed peace, obstructing the reunification of Korea. Rodong Sinmun Thursday says this in a signed article. The U.S. imperialists' presence in south Korea is a product of their strategy for aggression of Asia, the article notes, and goes on: The U.S. presence in south Korea is a wanton violation of the unanimous desire of the Korean nation for the independent development. It has trampled down upon the freedom and rights of the people and even infringed upon their vital rights after putting the political, economic, cultural, military and other fields of south Korea under its control. It has also violently suppressed the just patriotic struggle of the south Koreans for independence and democratization of the society and national reunification. Its presence in south Korean is a criminal act of threatening peace on the Korean Peninsula and bringing the danger of war. It raised a hue and cry over "axis of evil" revealing its hostility toward the DPRK, mapped out "a report on nuclear posture" which made the nuclear preemptive attack on the DPRK an established fact, massively beefed up its imperialist aggression forces in south Korea under the signboard of "strategic flexibility", introduced ultra-modern military hardware into south Korea and staged joint military exercises against the DPRK getting ever more adventurous as the days go by. These go to clearly prove that the U.S. is a chieftain harassing peace on the Korean Peninsula. The U.S. presence in south Korea is a stumbling block lying in the way of achieving the cause of national reunification. The U.S. has worked hard to calm down Koreans' desire for reunification while intensifying its political and military domination over south Korea and interference in its internal affairs. The U.S. anti-reunification moves have become ever more undisguised after the adoption of the June 15 joint declaration. The Korean nation have to put an end to the U.S. imperialists' presence in south Korea without fail in order to retake the national sovereignty which has been violated by foreign forces and achieve the historic cause of national reunification.
Thursday, September 11, 2008
Wednesday, September 10, 2008
A Terrorist plot
The empire has walked us through the election, so they can ignore those opposed to the war and those apposed to the Republican Party’s monopoly on power to do what ever they want. They didn’t like it when protesters carried Viet Cong Flags. A part of America felt they were at war with their own nation and for some of us it would seem that way again.Some protesters at the Republican National Convention were accused of “incitement and furtherance of a terrorist conspiracy.”
Well let the “terrorist cops ands pigs” chew on this gristle. It is this particular interview with a leader whose organization is taking part in resisting our occupation of Afghanistan. And they have every right to oppose our continued occupation of a country we have dominated and imposed phoney US democracy on a people in order to control their land and resources. Al Qaeda no longer uses the country as a base of operations, so it’s long past time to go.
As the Communist Party (Maoist) of Afghanistan leader said:
Q. The U.S. imperialists have raised the banner of “democracy” in order to justify their aggression in Afghanistan and other places. How do you respond? A. Our response is that the banner of democracy is a smokescreen to further their imperialist campaign. Our party has always insisted that in a country occupied by imperialists, peoples’ sovereignty is trampled on people cannot exercise their democratic rights, not even at the semi-colonial level of democracy
It is my hope that Prez George Bush and company will get the bloody nose they deserve in Afghanistan. Then maybe this world domination scheme, along with the party that dreamed it up, will finally be discredited for the crackpot idea that it has. We don’t need to Rule the world at our young people’s expence!!!!
SHOVE THAT UP YOUR ASS BUSH!!!!! - 史蒂夫・奥多
From Shola Jawid voice of Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan
Interview with Afghanistan Maoist Leader
The following is an excerpted interview conducted in winter 2006 with the General Secretary of the Communist Party (Maoist) of Afghanistan, a participating party in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. –AWTW
Q. When the Soviet Union occupied Afghanistan, the ruling parties calling themselves “communist” imposed a reactionary oppressive rule on the people. What challenges does this pose to genuine communists? A. Their pseudo-communist claims have created incorrect perceptions about communism among the vast majority of the people. Right from the beginning of the uprising against the Soviet social-imperialists the subjective and objective conditions had a negative and destructive impact on the left movement, which caused it to make deeper deviations. These deviations of the left also contributed to the anti-communism in society, by further attributing communism to the crimes of the social-imperialists. Anti-communism, as an international endeavour, tries its utmost to portray the defeat of the social-imperialists in Afghanistan as the defeat of communism. However, the Islamic anti-communism during the rule of the Jihadis and the Taleban could not dress up anti-communism any better than it was done by the social-imperialist puppets. This weakened anti-communism to some degree. But the subjective and objective factors, locally and internationally, are still heightening anti-communism. Consequently, the challenges facing the genuine communists are continually arising, which requires them to patiently continue in principled struggle. One of the challenges is that, along with the social-imperialists’ defeat, the left in the war of resistance was also defeated. These two realities help anti-communists deduce that communism has no place in Afghanistan, and this weighs heavily in the minds of sections of the people. The Islamic anti-communists specifically conclude and promote that Afghanistan is an Islamic society, and that communism, based on dialectical materialism against religion, has no place in that country. To overcome this challenge a significant section of the left in Afghanistan adapted the theory under the guise of Islam, and made that part of their programme. Other sections, although they did not formally adopt this theory, widely practiced the same thing. The present liquidationists conclude that Afghanistani society is very backward, and that for as long as backwardness is not dealt with, revolutionary communism has no chance. …….
Another challenge is the incorrect understanding of internationalism among communists. Anti-communists propagate communism as “an imported ideology”, so that people do not willingly accept it; the idea that communism can only be imposed on the people of Afghanistan by foreign powers still has shaky foundations in the society. Another aspect of this challenge facing the genuine communists is the lack of a foreign government to support them, and, therefore, without such support, the difficulty of establishing themselves in Afghanistan. Still another challenge is the accusation that communists are oppressive. As we know, the rule of the social-imperialist occupiers and their puppets was based on suppression of the masses. This oppression in communist disguise ultimately impacts on genuine communists, as the anti-communists try hard to generalise and attribute it to the genuine communists as well. So, due to the reactionary oppressive rule of the social-imperialists and their puppets, the challenge facing the genuine communists can be summarised as follows: communism has no room in Afghanistan, unless it is imposed on the people by oppression and suppression or invasion and occupation, and even then it will not last long. As has been seen, this challenge is not absolutely specific to the situation in Afghanistan; genuine communists in other countries more or less face the same challenge internationally. As Afghanistan took the brunt of the Soviet social-imperialists and their native puppets, this challenge is more widespread and intense in Afghanistan than in other countries. The only proper response to this challenge is to courageously take the programme of the genuine communists, that is the programme of the Communist Party (Maoist) of Afghanistan, among the masses in a principled way, so that people can distinguish genuine communists from social-imperialist puppets. Q. How can the masses comprehend the differences between the revisionist social-imperialists’ programme and the programme presented by the genuine communists? . In addition, in the current situation, based on our Party activities and under the leadership of the Party, democratic organisations among the masses of people, among women, youth, trades unions, labourers and other sections of society can be used to establish wider links between the masses and the Party. By combining underground activities with open and semi-open work among the masses, we can take our programme among the masses to show them the differences between our programme and those imposed on them by the revisionists. To achieve this end, we need to find and utilise both illegal and legal channels through working relatively openly among the people. The key issue is to remind ourselves that each and every activity carried out in any situation must serve the goal of preparing and initiating the peoples’ war of resistance, which is the concrete form of people’s war in the present situation of Afghanistan. Q. After the Soviets the Taleban came to power… What is it that attracts people to Islam? How can the communists draw the people from the Islamists to their own side? A. If we are to talk about the “Islamic mobilisation” that dates back to the 1960s, it was during this period that various political groups, with different ideological and political stances, relatively widely emerged on the scene. The communist movement (Maoism) was born then and the new-democratic movement stood tall; the revisionist party (Peoples Democratic Party), from which two factions emerged, “Khalq” and “Parcham”, both tied to the Soviet social-imperialists, and other bourgeois-nationalist groups and political forces also appeared. Against this backdrop, the reactionary religious feudal forces reacted and organised a reactionary religious movement under the auspices of the Afghanistani government that was supported by the reactionary Arab regimes and regimes in the region that were supported by Western imperialism. The prevalent feudal culture in society, the pseudo-communist pseudo-progressive claims put forward by the Russian puppet regime, and the Islamic regimes in the neighbouring countries of Iran and Pakistan, unconditionally supported by Western imperialists and reactionary Arab states, all and all, contributed to bringing the spontaneous war fronts of resistance increasingly under the influence of reactionary forces. The communist and revolutionary forces tailing the spontaneous movement prepared the ground for the Islamic forces to further influence the war of resistance against social-imperialism. That is how the Islamic forces, by prevailing in the war of resistance against social-imperialism, took over the government after the collapse of Najib’s regime.
Islam was not the only factor bringing the Islamists into power…. The dramatic advances made by the Taleban, who evolved from a small force into a major power claiming to govern the entire country, was supported by three powerful imperialist/reactionary factors. The US and British imperialists not only worked behind the scenes to organise the “Islamic mobilisation”, but also directly and indirectly supported them afterwards. So of the three major factors propelling the Taleban into power, only one of them was Islam. This factor, Islam, was mainly used by the Taleban against other Islamists, not so much against communists, to combat the “corruption and decadence” that was prevalent among other Islamists. This was to justify and legitimise the “war among Muslims”. Overall, the reactionary Islamic forces are consolidated in the “Islamic Republic of Afghanistan” current and are supported by the US imperialists and their allies as foreign supporters of the regime. Therefore, what we see as the Taleban today cannot be taken as the main model of Islamism in Afghanistan. By looking at the other Islamic countries and around the world, one can see that anti-American pan-Islamism (the Al Qaeda type) does not constitute the major portion of the Islamists. The numerous crimes committed by the “Jihadi” and “Taleban” Islamists during the “Islamic State” of “Jihadis” and the “Islamic Emirate” of the Taleban have indeed faded the old glory of Islam in the eyes of the masses. This situation alone provides a good opportunity for the communists to draw people from the Islamists onto their own side. The prevalent feudal culture, in the absence of a powerful non-religious force, namely the communists, generates and regenerates masses that would support various shades of Islamists in an endless circle, or masses that would live a life indifferent to politics. As far as the Islamism packaged in the Constitution is concerned, it is supported by the imperialist invaders, as well as by the reactionary Arab regimes and Islamists in the region, who march under the imperialists’ drum-beat. A large section of the feudal and bourgeois comprador classes is the main supporter of Islamism. Naturally, for as long as the dominance of semi-feudal, semi-colonial power is not challenged by a national revolutionary war of resistance, they will continue to retain their mass base. As far as Islamism in its specific Afghanistani form of the Taleban and global Al Qaeda is concerned, it involves some other factors as well. Suppressing this form of Islamism is an excuse for the American imperialists’ campaign. In other words, the Taleban fights as part of an extensive international force. Naturally, this is an important factor drawing the masses onto the side of the Taleban. In fact, the lack of a strong revolutionary communist or even anti-American nationalist movement, including in Afghanistan, is the reason why the masses commit themselves to crazy Islamism, creating an oppressive reactionary religious movement that is used to justify the American imperialists exporting “progress and democracy”. If a strong revolutionary alternative existed in Afghanistan and in other Islamic countries, Islamism, mainly serving the invaders and their lackeys, would not have appeared in the form of the Taleban or Al Qaeda – and even if it did, it would not have been this powerful. In order to draw the masses away from them to their own side, the struggle of the Afghanistani communists must take the form of an international struggle. Such a struggle must be based on the context of resistance against the imperialist occupying invaders and their puppets, and it should be carried out at the global, regional and Afghanistani national level. For as long as we are unable to play a powerful role in the struggle against the invaders, the Taleban will always be able to utilise the anti-American sentiments of the masses to organise them for their own organisational interests. Taleban Islamism has some serious problems. During their rule in the name of the “Islamic Emirates” they severely oppressed non-Pashtun people. That is why the Taleban’s Islamism is not supported by people of other nationalities. …….
Q. The U.S. imperialists have raised the banner of “democracy” in order to justify their aggression in Afghanistan and other places. How do you respond? A. Our response is that the banner of democracy is a smokescreen to further their imperialist campaign. Our party has always insisted that in a country occupied by imperialists, peoples’ sovereignty is trampled on, people cannot exercise their democratic rights, not even at the semi-colonial level of democracy. At the same time, foreign imperialist invaders who deprive a country of its sovereignty cannot bring democracy. The hodgepodge of democracy that the American imperialists are offering the people of Afghanistan is used only to create the myth that the people have a voice in determining their future and their country’s future. Another important issue is that the clique ruling the US is trampling and violating the democratic civil rights of their own people, rights that have been established and practiced for years and years. They use terrorism as an excuse. Just as this excuse cannot justify trampling the bourgeois-democratic rights of the people in America, the invasion of a country by force is the cruellest act against the people of a country. Aside from these general points, let’s look at the nature of what the imperialists and their lackeys call democracy in Afghanistan. In the Afghanistani government, as reflected in the constitution, political parties, freedom of expression and freedom of the press, in short all civil and individual rights are restricted by Islam and Islamic Sharia [religious laws – AWTW], nothing is permitted beyond that and everything is illegal. In this aspect, the main difference between the current Islamic Republic regime and the Islamic Emirates regime of the Taleban is that the current regime is a multi-party Islamic regime, while the Taleban regime was a single-party Islamic regime. In this “Republic”, freedom of expression, freedom of the press, communist beliefs and others, are not permitted. Some people like to call such a regime “Islamic democracy”. But “Islamic democracy” is a misnomer, just like “Islamic Republic”. Democracy makes sense only when there is a secular regime. Some theoreticians of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan say that in Afghanistan democracy is applied as a method, it is not an outlook. In other words, the outlook of Islamic Sharia cannot be modified by those who implement it. As a method, democracy is utilised to dress up the anti-democratic religious Islamic nature of the regime as being modern. That is why our task is to widely expose the deceit of the occupying invaders that disguise themselves with so-called democracy. It is our task to expose the exported pseudo-democracy widely and consistently. This must be done with the aim of preparing for a national revolutionary war of resistance against the invaders and their lackeys. The majority of the people are not fooled by the exported democracy of the occupiers. As seen, the presidential election was a failure in itself, the majority of the people did not participate in that election. The failure of the provincial elections is even more clearly known to people, so much so that the imperialists and their lackeys even had to admit it. We need to present our model of democracy, new-democracy, to the people and convince them that our democracy is superior to the “democracy” of the invaders. We must vigorously bring the strength of the earlier new-democratic regimes to the forefront, so that the masses of people can see that democracy does make a difference to their lives. We should show the masses that our democracy is far beyond the bourgeois democracy practiced in capitalist countries, let alone the pseudo-democracy of the semi-feudal, semi-colonial regime of Afghanistan. Indeed, we cannot limit ourselves to propagating and agitating around new-democracy. We must vigorously defend the achievements of previous socialist revolutions, and that should be the focus of our propaganda and agitation. In our struggle, we must show that by implementing socialism, democracy can be far better in a socialist society than democracy in a capitalist imperialist system; we must emphasise the importance of the proletarian cultural revolution launched in China.
For the entire interview click here.
تشدید و گسترش جنگ افغانستان
جنگ در افغانستان از جمله مهم ترین مسائل مطروحه در کمپاین تبلیغاتی انتخابات ریاست جمهوری ایالات متحده امریکا شمرده می شود. مسئله این نیست که پیشنهاد ایجاد تغییر اساسی در سیاست تجاوزکارانه و اشغالگرانه امریکا، که تا حال باند بوش پیشبرده است، توسط کاندیدا و حزب رقیب به میان آمده است. این سیاست کماکان مورد تائید هر دو رقیب اصلی انتخاباتی قرار دارد. اما در مورد اینکه جنگ در افغانستان همزمان با پیشبرد جنگ در عراق باید ادامه یابد، یا اینکه برای جنگ عراق راه خروجی ای سراغ گردیده و بطور متمرکزی به جنگ افغانستان توجه گردد، میان دو طرف اختلاف وجود دارد.کاندیدای مربوط به " حزب جمهوریخواه " کماکان بر ادامه سیاست کنونی یعنی پیشبرد جنگ در افغانستان و عراق پافشاری میکند، کما اینکه خواهان تشدید بیشتر جنگ و افزایش قوا در افغانستان نیز هست. اما کاندیدای مربوط به " حزب دموکرات " خواهان تعیین تقسیم اوقات برای خروج قوای امریکایی از عراق و تشدید جنگ و افزایش قوا در افغانستان و در عین حال ایجاد فشار بیشتر بر پاکستان و احیانا پیشبرد عملیات های نظامی قوای امریکایی در قلمرو آن کشور است.اخیرا در مذاکرات میان امپریالیست های امریکایی و رژیم دست نشانده در عراق بر سر امضای یک توافقنامه مشترک استراتژیک، از نوع همان موافقتنامه ای که میان بوش و کرزی قبلا به امضا رسیده است، " اختلاف نظر " بروز کرد و این مذاکرات بی نتیجه ماند. رژیم دست نشانده در عراق مخالف امضای چنین توافقنامه ای نیست، اما خواهان آن است که یک تقسیم اوقات برای خروج قوای امریکایی از عراق تعیین گردد. البته درینجا باید تذکر داد که خروج کامل قوای امریکایی از عراق مطرح نیست، بلکه خروج قوای جنگی امریکا و سپردن " تام " مسئولیت های امنیتی به قوای پوشالی عراقی مطرح است، در حالیکه قوای امریکایی پایگاه یا پایگاه های دایمی در عراق خواهند داشت. رژیم بوش تعیین تقسیم اوقات برای خروج قوای امریکایی از عراق را نمی پذیرد و تصمیم گیری مشخص درینمورد را به آینده موکول می کند. از جانب دیگر رژیم دست نشانده در افغانستان مداوما خواهان زدن " پایگاه های تروریستی " در پاکستان به عنوان منابع اصلی " صدور تروریزم " به افغانستان است و در راستای همین خواستش پیوسته و به هر مناسبتی تلاش می نماید که مناسبات میان پاکستان و افغانستان را به طرف تیرگی بیشتر پیش ببرد و قوای اشغالگر را متوجه پاکستان سازد. فیصله اخیر کابینه کرزی مبنی بر قطع تمامی مذاکرات میان حکومت های افغانستان و پاکستان گامی است در جهت تشدید جنگ تجاوز کارانه و اشغالگرانه و گسترش آن به قلمرو پاکستان. از لحاظ نظامی نیز از مدتی به اینطرف اوضاع در مناطق مرزی پاکستان و افغانستان بطور روز افزون متشنج تر می شود و حملات هوایی قوای امریکایی به مناطق آنطرف خط دیورند افزایش می یابد. در چنین شرایطی سفر کاندیدای مربوط به حزب دموکرات امریکا به کابل معنی و مفهوم خاصی را افاده می نماید. این سفر نشاندهنده آن است که بارک اوباما و حزب دموکرات امریکا از خواست رژیم دست نشانده برای کشاندن دامنه جنگ به قلمرو پاکستان حمایت می نمایند. خواست تعیین تقسیم اوقات برای خروج قوای امریکایی از عراق توسط این سناتور نیز در انطباق با خواست رژیم دست نشانده در عراق قرار دارد. از جانب دیگر، علیرغم اینکه باند بر سر اقتدار کنونی در امریکا تا حال واضحا از کشاندن جنگ به قلمرو پاکستان حرف نزده است، اما بوش شخصا اعلام کرده است که چلنج بزرگ برای رئیس جمهور آینده امریکا، اوضاع پاکستان خواهد بود و نه اوضاع عراق. بر علاوه تا جائیکه انکشافات اخیر شرایط جنگی در افغانستان و نقاط مرزی افغانستان و پاکستان نشان می دهد، فرماندهان امریکایی مستقر در افغانستان نیز خواهان کشاندن جنگ به قلمرو پاکستان هستند. در واقع با وجودی که تا حال چنین سیاستی به عنوان سیاست جنگی رسمی امریکا اعلام نشده است، عملا فعالیت های نظامی قوای امریکایی در قلمرو پاکستان، به ویژه عملیات های هوایی، مکررا در حال افزایش است.به این ترتیب، تشدید و گسترش جنگ افغانستان اجندای مشترک بارک اوبامای " دموکرات " و جان مک کین " جمهوریخواه " است. هر یکی از این کاندیداهای دو حزب اصلی سرمایه داران امپریالیست امریکا، که به نوبت برین کشور حکومت می کنند، در انتخابات آینده ریاست جمهوری امریکا در نوامبر سال جاری برنده شود، سیاست حکومت امریکا در قبال جنگ افغانستان، تطبیق و پیشبرد همین اجندای مشترک خواهد بود. تطبیق و پیشبرد این اجندا به مفهوم قتل و کشتار بیشتر و روز افزون اهالی ملکی، ویرانی های بیشتر و بیشتر و بی خانمانی و آوارگی های روز افزون تر توده های ساکن در دو طرف خط دیورند است.
صلح و آرامشی در کار نیست و در آینده نزدیک نیز در چشمرس قرار ندارد. مقاومت ناگزیر، نا قابل انصراف و غیر قابل سوال است. اما چگونه مقاومتی؟ مقاومتی که ما در پی آن هستیم و باید باشیم، مقاومت ملی مردمی و انقلابی است.
For more see.
بازگشت به صفحۀ اول
صلح و آرامشی در کار نیست و در آینده نزدیک نیز در چشمرس قرار ندارد. مقاومت ناگزیر، نا قابل انصراف و غیر قابل سوال است. اما چگونه مقاومتی؟ مقاومتی که ما در پی آن هستیم و باید باشیم، مقاومت ملی مردمی و انقلابی است.
For more see.
بازگشت به صفحۀ اول
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