A Letter to Maoist and Revolutionary
Organizations
Recently the Communist Party of Italy (Maoist)
called for the convening of an international meeting of Maoist organizations.
This call comes some years after the RIM collapsed following the development of
evident revisionism within two of its leading organizations, the RCP-USA and
the UCPN.
Comrades! Let us carry out and celebrate the firm
break with the revisionism emanating from the leadership of the RCP-USA and the
UCPN. In doing so, let us reaffirm our defining points of unity based on the
experience of class struggle and distilled into Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
These include:
-All of history is the result of the development
of the means of production and the struggle between classes over their
ownership and use.
-Under capitalism, labor is utilized for the sake
of profit. Capital is accumulated surplus labor turned against the masses of
workers.
-That capitalist-imperialism entails the indirect
and direct exploitation of the majority of people by dominant monopoly capital
and reveals widening contradictions inherent in capitalism.
-The only alternative to the continued barbarism
of imperialism is the struggle for socialism and communism. Broadly speaking,
people’s wars and united fronts are the most immediate, reliable means to
struggle for communism.
-Socialism entails the forceful seizure of power
by the proletariat. However, socialism is not the end of the struggle. Under
socialism, the conditions exist for the development of a ‘new bourgeoisie’
which will seek to establish itself as a new ruling class. In order to counter
this tendency, class struggle must be waged relentlessly under socialism
through the development of communism.
These are points all Maoists can agree on. Yet
these do not capture all significant features of today’s world.
Comrades! A discourse and struggle over the
nature of class under imperialism is sorely needed.
The Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Movement puts
forward a line that includes the understanding that a majority section of the
populations of imperialist countries are embourgeoisfied.
This embourgeoification often contours around
national oppression cast in the history of colonialism and settler-colonialism.
It is most wholly construed, however, as an ongoing global distinction between
parasitic workers in imperialist core economies and exploited workers in the
vast Third World periphery.
Though understandings of this split in the
working class was popularized as the ‘labor-aristocracy’ by Lenin, the
phenomenon itself was first noted by Friedrich Engels in a letter to Karl Marx:
“[T]he English proletariat is actually becoming more
and more bourgeois, so that the ultimate aim of this most bourgeois of all
nations would appear to be the possession, alongside the
bourgeoisie, of a bourgeois aristocracy and a bourgeois proletariat. In the
case of a nation which exploits the entire world this is, of course, justified
to some extent.”
With some exceptions, Marxists have focused and
debated primarily on the ideological effects of the controversial ‘theory of
the labor aristocracy.’ Unfortunately, less attention has been paid to the economic
dimensions of the ‘labor aristocracy.’
Within the imperialist world-economy, First World
workers (a minority of workers in the world) receive compensation which exceeds
the monetary rate of the full value of labor. In effect, First World workers
are a section of the petty-bourgeoisie due to the fact that they consume a
greater portion of social labor than they concretely expend. This difference is
made up with the super-exploitation of Third World workers. Because prices
(including those of labor power) deviate from values, this allows First World
firms to obtain profits at equivalent rates while still paying ‘their’ workers
a wage above the full monetary rate of labor value. The First World workers’
compensation above the monetary rate of the full labor value is also an
investment, i.e., a structural means of by which surplus value is saturated and
concentrated in the core at the expense of the periphery.
The structural elevation of First World workers
also has strong implications for the struggle for communism.
One of the most dangerous and devastatingly
popular misconceptions is that social and political reforms can raise the
material standard of living for Third World workers up to the level enjoyed by
First World workers.
The illusion that Third World peoples can ‘catch
up’ with imperialist countries through various reforms is objectively aided by
the common yet false First Worldist belief that First World workers are
exploited as a class.
If, as the First Worldist line states, First
Worlder workers have attained high wages through reformist class struggle and
advanced technology, then Third World workers should be able to follow a
similar route towards a capitalism modeled after ‘advanced capitalist
countries.’ By claiming that a majority of First Worlders are exploited
proletarians, First Worldism creates the illusion that all workers could create
a similar deal for themselves without overturning capitalism. By obscuring the
fundamental relationship between imperialist exploitation of Third World
workers and embourgeoisfication of First World workers, First Worldism actually
serves to hinder the tide of proletarian revolution internationally.
Another long-term implication of the global
division of workers is the ecological consequences of the inflated
petty-bourgeois lifestyles enjoyed by the world’s richest 15-20%. First World
workers currently consume and generate waste at a far greater rate than is
ecologically sustainable. The First Worldist line, which effectively states
First World workers should have even greater capacity to consume under a future
socialism (that is, First Worldists believe First Worlders are entitled to an
even greater share of social product than they currently receive), has obvious
utopian qualities which can only misguide the proletariat over the long term.
It is safe to say that First Worldism is the root
cause of the problems associated with the Revolutionary Communist Party-USA
(RCP-USA) and the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (UCPN).
The RCP-USA, desiring some positive significance
to offset its terminal failure to organize what it sees as a U.S. proletariat,
chose to intervene in various international issues. This typically occurred to
the disservice of the proletarian struggle. Now the RCP-USA heavily promotes
Bob Avakian and his ‘New Synthesis.’ This ‘New Synthesis’ is better describes
as an old bag of revisionisms. Today, the RCP-USA, Bob Avakian, and his
revisionist ‘New Synthesis’ is a distraction from many of the important issues
facing the international proletariat.
The UCPN has given up the path of global socialism
and communism. It has instead sought to conciliate and collude with imperialism
in hopes of achieving conditions for class-neutral development. It foolishly
assumes monopoly capital will allow it be anything but ‘red’ compradors or that
Nepal will become anything other than a source of super-exploited labor. The
UCPN has abrogated the task of constructing an independent economic base and
socialist foreign policy. It has instead embarked hand-in-hand with monopoly
capital on a path they wrongly believe will lead to progressive capitalist
development.
Through the examples set forth by both the
RCP-USA and the UCPN, it is evident how First Worldism corrupts even nominal
Maoists into becoming promulgators of the most backwards revisionisms. The
RCP-USA is deceptive and wrong in its claim that it is organizing a U.S.
proletariat. In reality it wrecks the international communist movement for the
sake of the U.S. petty-bourgeois masses. The UCPN, whose leadership falsely
believes capitalist development will bring positive material effects for the
masses of Nepal, has abandoned the struggle for socialism and communism. The
RCP-USA claims to represent what it wrongly describes as an exploited U.S.
proletariat. The UCPN takes great inspiration in the level of material wealth
attained by what it wrongly assumes to be an exploited First World proletariat.
Comrades! Our analysis must start with the
questions, “Who are our enemies? Who are our friends?” These questions must be
answered foremost in the structural sense (i.e., how do groups fundamentally
relate to the process of capital accumulation), secondly in the historical
sense (i.e. what can history tell us about such class divisions and their
implications for today), and lastly in a political sense, (i.e., given what we
know about the complex nature of class structures of modern imperialism, how
can we best organize class alliances so as to advance the revolutionary
interests of the proletariat at large).
First Worldism is a fatal flaw. It is both a
hegemonic narrative within the ‘left’ and a trademark of reformism,
revisionism, and chauvinism. Unfortunately, First Worldism is all-too-common
within international Maoism.
Comrades! The consistent struggle against First
Worldism is an extension of the communist struggle against both social
chauvinism and the theory of the productive forces. As such, it is the duty of
all genuine Communists to struggle against First Worldism.
Comrades! First Worldism has already done enough
damage to our forces internationally. Now is the time to struggle against First
Worldism and decisively break with the errors of the past.
The importance of knowing “who are our enemies?”
and “who are our friends” never goes away. Instead, those who fail in these
understandings are prone to wider deviations. Gone unchecked, First Worldism
sets back the struggle for communism.
Comrades! We hope the topics of class under
imperialism and the necessity of the struggle against First Worldism come up as
specific points of future discussion within and between Maoist organizations.
The raising of these questions and the firm refutation of First Worldism will
mark a qualitative advance for international communism.
Death to imperialism!
Long live the victories of people’s wars!
Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Movement