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Wednesday, September 09, 2009

Relations about PPW in Nepal and Italy according to the (new) Italian Communist Party- Part 2


CARC Party - International Department

In the last issue of " La Voce", the review of the (new) Italian Communist
Party, we read this article and translated it in English, and now we release
it, thinking it is interesting for the debate within the International
Communist Movement.

Revolutionary people's war in Nepal and in Italy

Since what is important and decisive is the aim, we, who follow the strategy
of the PPW, can and must do things the others who have not our strategy do
not do, and if they do them, they are yielding to the bourgeoisie or
backwardnesses. In James' seasons, Rigoni Stern [an Italian writer, Note of
the Translator] tells that in his village once the peasantry and the rest of
the popular masses severely embarrassed the fascists. The fascist authority
had forbidden the covering of the cows by the bulls of tarina race, which
usually were used in the region. There were violations about disposition,
repression, demonstrations, arrests. Finally peasantry and women
demonstrated en masse against the law and the repression shouting "Long live
Mussolini and the bulls of tarina race!". How could carabineers repress a
demonstration against the fascist law made praising Mussolini? There were
frenetic consultations, until from Rome the order arrived to forget, to
release the arrestees, and to suspend the law enforcement about improvement
of the bovine race. Rigoni Stern tells a fact: what was the effect of that
event on local popular masses' evolution of politic consciousness and
organization? The results were determined by those who, in that area, had a
more advanced understanding of the conditions, the forms and the results of
the class struggle and on that basis carried it out. According to the way of
thinking of Bob Avakian (the chairman of the RCP-USA) there is not doubt: it
was a semi-fascist demonstration, a contradiction within Fascism. For those
who worked in the ambit of a tactic plan within the revolutionary people's
war against the regime, for mobilizing, organizing and orientating the local
popular masses it had been an excellent tactic initiative for extending a
crack and strengthening their role: it was to put a foundation for the
following step.
The criticism that Avakian, RCP-USA and other dogmatic people (who declare
themselves Maoists as well) are doing to the UCPN(m) (see the Five Letters
and similar positions), falls within this context. Avakian does not
understand what UCPN(m) is making, because he does not understand the
essence of the Protracted Revolutionary People's War. Ever step of the
UCPN(m) has some limits: then according to Avakian it is a defaillance. For
those who carry out the PPW, every step is a starting point for the
following, or an element which takes the significance from the context to
which is tied in its work plan. Every time somebody go up a step, Avakian
shouts he is giving up the struggle. Is it possible that UCPN(m) will come
to a halt at a point and then all that which it has made will begin to
putrefy and collapse, given that in a struggle it is impossible to come to a
halt whenever one like? Can the way pursued by UCPN(m) lead in fact the
Nepali revolution into a blind alley? Both things can happen. Such things
already happened in other cases. But only who adopts the strategy of the PPW
and is able to make a concrete analysis of the concrete situations, can
avoid all that, contributing so that the UCPN(m) elaborates the just line
and enforces it by the two lines struggle.
Let's return to our situation and to what we have to do. It is important
that we promote a process, that we make the popular masses carry it out,
starting from those who already are moving themselves and that we already
are able to move and to orientate, a process of campaigns, struggles and
operations, such as to make the bourgeoisie no more able to bear the way we
forced it in, the way it undertook for facing the process of campaigns,
struggles and operations carried out by popular masses through our work. It
will be a process able to suffocate the bourgeoisie itself in the trap where
we will have forced it to fall. Then, the bourgeoisie will rouse the civil
war, if it will insist to preserve at any cost its system of social
relations, to remain to the power and to perpetuate its privileges, as
exploiting classes usually do. As regards us, it is important that we drive
the bourgeoisie toward this stage of the socialist revolution in the
opportune conditions for us, having the initiative on our hand, even if will
be the imperialist bourgeoisie to rouse the civil war and we will lead those
who will face its sudden attack, its precipitate, desperate and criminal
move (we have not to deceive us about a possible pacific passage, however
working according to our directions we will be prepared to seize it if it
will occur due to unexpectedly and unsuspected causes). We shall choose the
right time and the right ground of imperialist bourgeoisie's move in order
to determine the widest ranking of troops and classes possible in our favour
and the greatest isolation possible of civil war's initiators.
An example for understanding about what could happen are the events in Nepal
in the last weeks. On April 20, 2009, Prachanda government, after the
umpteenth infraction by general, has dismissed the gen. Katawal and has
appointed the gen. Khadka in its place as chief of the National Armed
(former Royal) Forces. Prachanda government had strong cases for dismissing
Katawal because of his insubordination since months. In substance, Bob
Avakian (RCP-USA) indicated Prachanda as traitor of the revolution because
he did not actions as dismissing Katawal. Prachanda dismissed Katawal after
he thought he got ready the conditions needed for facing successfully the
reactions which the gen. Katawal, the chairman Yadav and the most
reactionary forces certainly would have made in order to not lose their
main bastion, the National Armed Forces. Has the UCPN(m) well sized up the
conditions made and reactionary forces' effects? We certainly are not able
to tell it. But this is the way pursued from UCPN(m) and on this basis it
has to be sized. Those who understand what PPW means, size the events in
this way. So far the UCPN(m) has proved to think hard its own steps and to
predispose good traps for the reaction, to lead well the play which the
revolutionary process involves, to be able to make the reactionary forces
believe to be able to prepare traps for the maoists and the revolutionary
movement so that they fall into those traps themselves. There is no reason
for thinking a priori that the UCPN(m) this time has not succeeded about it.
This is the thought of the individuals widely corrupt by rooted diffidence
in the possibility of the success of revolution (they have neither
revolutionary spirit nor courage). The direct and immediate aim which
UCPN(m) is carrying out in the ongoing strife, i. e., the supremacy of
civil on military power's, can be hardly refused by parties which do not to
openly take the responsibility of restarting civil war and of a coup d'état
which results will be uncertain thanks to what happened before.
The examples more fitting for explaining what we will become, when at least
a part of us will have adopted a such tactic principle which is part of the
New Method of Work, are both that of the stonemason who is able to find out
the vein of the stones he must work and goes toward his aim, utilizing
stone's vein (this means to consider the circumstances and the conditions),
and the pupil who "plays along" school children and "instigates" them
against an incapable and hateful teacher until making him unable to carry
out his own didactics activity (this means to work with continuity, one
campaign after another, making of every struggle a school of communism and
putting the results of every struggle as starting basis for the following
which has higher aims, by stages and levels).
Many years ago, in the early '70s, I followed closely the class struggle
within a big metal factory. A working group, even if narrow, was able to
mobilizing effectively its colleagues against the bosses, to prevent and to
face their moves and manoeuvres so that bosses' life was impossible. The
factory changed leadership many times (at that time the idea to close the
factory would have kicked up a complete row), as long as, in a context
different from which the working group was fed by (and that it fed) a even
sharper leadership, was able to make the working group do mistakes, driving
it to isolation and break up. Apart from such end, which belongs to another
story, our just work would become so and will become so when we shall have
assimilated dialectical materialism at higher level and we shall master it
with some skill as method for knowing and transforming the reality. We will
utilize a higher world conception, we will lead the asymmetric war, on the
ground more favorable to us, upon which the bourgeoisie can not act (as the
French or American imperialists fruitlessly tried to learn and to apply
Mao's military theory for leading the counter-revolutionary war).
Instead, until we compare ourselves with the bourgeoisie, the revisionists,
the Subjective Forces of Socialist Revolution on the ground of the quantity,
following again the mobilizations which in the past were effective but today
tire out the workers, we are people who face their own opponents on a ground
more favorable to them, where they are stronger, where they have got more
For better understanding this thinking we may develop it as regards the
field of the public opinion. In the regime of preventive counter-revolution,
the bourgeoisie developed refined systems and procedures (the nr. 1 pillar
of the regime, see Manifesto Program website for
influencing, deviating and poisoning the public opinion. The revolutionaries
often do not know how making the media (TV, newspapers, radio, film,
theatre, concerts, etc.) talk about the experiences, the events and the
operations regarding the class struggle in order to form a public opinion
concentrated on this field and how making the media favorably present
masses' claims and the struggles the masses carry out for achieving them.
The Red Brigades (BR) and other Fighting Communist Organizations (OCC), when
they degenerated in the militarism that drove them to defeat, came to
theorize the attempts as means for propagandize themselves. The bourgeoises
resorted to blackout as counter-revolutionary move. It was forbidden to talk
about attempts. At a certain level of the stirfe, the bourgeois strategists
of the struggle against the BR got the consent of media's owners who made
silence around OCC's activities.
How can we face the task to create a public opinion enlightened and
favorable to us?
Certainly neither founding ourselves mainly on the bourgeois media, nor
mainly on our media, which are incomparably weaker than the bourgeois ones.
Our (still weak) media have to create the public opinion of our entourages,
the entourages they are able to reach. Today we yet are well away from being
able to give, by our propaganda, a clear and practical consciousness of the
reality to those who are listening to us. You just need to see how even our
comrades are in trouble when they are facing a new problem or event upon
when there is not yet a Party Statement about it.
We have to be able to give to the people we reach by our newspapers,
statements, discourses, fliers and other means of propaganda, the sufficient
intellectual instruments for talking well and the sufficient, moral and
intellectual instruments for acting well. (This is the task of the agitation
and propaganda sector). From here on, their words and actions will form the
public opinion on a wider range. Lenin told the masses learn mainly by their
direct experience. We must lead them to make that direct experience which
helps them to better understand the class struggle and to make their direct
experience go with the word, the writings, the propaganda, which interprets
and does the balance of their direct experience itself.
Obviously, this main course of our action for making a public opinion
favorable to us, does not exclude the use of auxiliary, secondary
instruments as: to make pirate programs entering the great diffusion media,
to profit by electoral campaign, to make operations as we did with the web
site "cop hunting" [where the nPCI put the photos of the cops of the
political police, so that everybody could be able to recognize them, Note of
the Translator], etc. It is important we take ourselves the initiative of
these operations and that we rightly size up their effect, range and time,
considering the counter-moves of our enemies.
The UCPN(m) is giving important teachings to all the Communists. The world
conception leading it is the more important strength factor for the
revolution. We Italian Maoist have to learn from its actions, obviously
considering that we are working in a imperialist country, in particular in
the Papal Republic. The common base of the Marxism-Leninism-Maoism helps us
to learn from their experience.

Rosa L.




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