From A World to Win News Service/ and Communist Party of
24 September 2012.
Until only recently the two regimes were close allies. One of the points of unity between Assad's Baathist Party and Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) was their opposition to the Kurdish movement in both countries. Not only do Kurds in the two countries have strong historical ties, a significant number of Kurds in
Syria are from
families that fled repression in Turkey,
and the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party), though based in Turkey, includes many Kurds born in .
Now Assad is "playing the Kurdish
card", trying to use the Kurds to
threaten Syria . Turkey
Following are excerpts from a lengthy article in issue 60 of Haghighat, the publication of the Communist Party of
(Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) entitled "The development of Syria’s civil war and the possibility of its
spread to neighbouring countries, and the perspective of the formation of a
state of Kurdistan".
The great game and the "Kurdish card"
What has made
Kurdistan a key issue in the Syrian
civil war is the perspective of the formation of a Kurdish state in the region.
According to some Middle East analysts, this could play a central role in
redrawing the present borders of the Middle East.
No matter its intentions, Turkey
has paved the way for the emergence of this situation. In fact, it is in
relation with these developments that we should consider the following events:
The first event was the take-over of the Kurdish cities in northern
Syria by the
Kurdish forces as detailed above. The second was the relocation of big oil
companies such as the U.S.'s
Exxon-Mobile and Chevron, France's Total and Russia's Gazprom from southern
Iraqi oil fields to the oil fields under the control of the Kurdish Regional
Government and the signing of new contracts with this government, independently
of the central Iraqi government. The third is the resumption of major PKK operations
in the city of Shamdinly in Turkey's Hakari province bordering Iran and Iraq, taking the war between PKK
and the Turkish government to a new level of intensity.
On the first event: Previously there was speculation in the Middle Eastern press that Bashar al-Assad might retreat to the Nasiriyah Mountains and form a small state whose core support would come from Alawites and other minority ethnicities, while the FSA forces backed by Turkey and Nato would form a Sunni state. But there was no mention of a "Kurdish mini-state" in
Syria until PYD took control of Kurdish cities
in northern Syria.
In reaction to this event Erdogan declared that Turkey will not tolerate the
existence of "terrorist forces" on its borders and proclaimed that a
"red line". After this incident the U.S.
announced its strong opposition to the disintegration of Syria – even though the U.S. and Turkey were intervening in the just
struggle of the Syrian people to deliberately turn it into a religious and
ethnic civil war.
After this event,
the Kurdish Regional Government in Iraq (which it happened to be
allied with) that it would not accept the acts that have taken place and will
not tolerate the formation of a Kurdish state on its borders. Turkey asked
Barzani to help suppress PKK forces in Iraqi and Syrian Kurdistan. Turkish
Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu quickly travelled to Erbil
to talk to Barzani. During this visit Barzani, who usually appears in a
business suit when meeting with foreign visitors, this time appeared in
traditional Kurdish clothing.
Then Davutoglu went to see the Turkmen governor of
Kirkuk (one of the biggest cities in Iraqi
Kurdistan, a third of its population is Turkmen and not Kurdish). The Davutoglu
message was that Turkey
will use its influence in Iraqi Kurdistan to destabilize the Kurdish Regional
On the second event: Big oil companies such as Exxon-Mobil (the largest private oil company in the world) have signed six oil exploration contracts with the Kurdish Regional Government in
Following that, last July the U.S.'s
second largest oil company, Chevron, took 80 percent control of two oil fields.
In August the French oil company Total and Russia's Neft (owned by Gazprom)
also signed important oil contracts with the KRG. A Turkish newspaper wrote
that "four oil companies that are among the world's ten largest have
opened shop in Erbil". (Today's Zaman,
6 August 2012)
The KRG has been seeking to pave the way to independence for a long time.
already started to buy oil from it directly, bypassing the central Iraqi
government. The oil company Genel Enerji, based in Turkey and owned mainly by Turkish
shareholders, has started working with the KRG in exploring for oil and pumping
oil from established fields in Iraqi Kurdistan. According to some political
observers and analysts, this is the first step of a process aimed at converting
the now autonomous Kurdish region in Iraq into a separate country. (See
"Big Oil's Unwitting Bid for
Kurdish Statehood" by Marin Katusa www.caseyresearch.com)
In the last few years Turkey's government has repeatedly bypassed the central government of Iraq and established direct economic, political, security and military relations with KRG, such that Turkey has become the largest foreign economic power in Iraqi Kurdistan. At the same time
decreased its opposition to the formation of any independent Kurdish state.
But despite the AKP's confidence in the KRG's trustworthiness, developments in
Syria changed the whole equation.
Control of the Syrian Kurdish region by Kurdish forces would mean another
autonomous Kurdish region on Turkey's
borders. In only a week, the length of Turkey's borders with
Kurdish-controlled areas went from 400 kilometres to 1,200 km. The potential
for the creation of a larger Kurdish state with a massive oil income, right on Turkey's
borders, along with the possibility of the formation of a state of Greater
Kurdistan, exerts massive pressure on the political and economic structure of
the Turkish state. Since the foundation of the
by Kemal Ataturk, the oppression of the Kurdish nation has been one of its
pillars Republic of Turkey
In the last ten years the Turkish bourgeoisie has tried to create an atmosphere of allowing the Kurdish bourgeoisie to partly share political power, and permitted some reforms in the sphere of culture and language to reduce the contradiction between the masses of Kurdish people and the government. But this contradiction continues to operate and the Kurdish bourgeoisie is not satisfied with what has been given.
The third event: PKK forces have found an opportunity to intensify the armed struggle against the Turkish regime. In the last few years PKK's policy was to negotiate with the AKP government. For a time it called a cease-fire and took part in municipal and parliamentary elections through its legal parties. During the same period
around six thousand PKK activists who were working with legal organizations
such as the Peace and Justice Party. Mayors and members of parliaments were
among those arrested. Many of the prisoners are the members of PKK’s municipal
organization called the Union of Kurdistan Communities, which has influence in
municipal administration, including tax collection and the courts.
Even though PKK has an extensive mass base and is named the Kurdistan Workers' Party, in fact it represents the Kurdish bourgeoisie because it expresses the outlook and programme of that class. The leader of this party, Ocalan, has repeatedly emphasized that PKK's aim is not to weaken Turkey but to restore the power of the Ottoman empire, adding that Turkey could not achieve this without unity with the Kurds (which really means the unity of the Turkish and Kurdish bourgeoisies). The PKK position on Middle Eastern issues is to support the
projects. It considers itself part of an axis of friends of the U.S. Of course,
the Erdogan regime sees itself as the head of such an axis. After Ocalan was
imprisoned in 1999, he repeatedly expressed these points in the monthly
articles that he used to write from prison, which were published in Turkey's press.
It is worth mentioning that he has stopped writing these articles in the last
few months, and there is a rumour that he has been transferred from prison to
house arrest and that the government is negotiating with him.
Although the Turkish economy has been somewhat successful by current standards, with the emergence of a well-off middle class, and its AKP regime is presented as a model for other Middle Eastern countries, its internal structure is vulnerable. Its role as a regional gendarme for the imperialists is exerting ever more pressure on this structure, and this so-called stable regime could face a legitimacy and even revolutionary crises. The changes in the structure of
Turkey's big bourgeois class have not yet been quite
reflected in the political sphere. It is true that the Kurdish bourgeoisie has
not failed to benefit economically and has control of part of the internal economy,
but it hopes that by achieving an independent state or autonomy it can gain
admittance to the club of Middle Eastern big bourgeoisies. All these forces are
in political and military struggle with each other.
Now the policy-makers and analysts of the region's reactionary regimes and those of the imperialist powers are grumbling that Assad is "playing the Kurdish card". But the question for us here is this: What opportunities does the situation in
present? Will Kurdish communists and revolutionary intellectuals raise an
internationalist and revolutionary voice against the whole game in which Kurds
are a "card" to be played? The
domination of bourgeois leadership in the Kurdish people's struggle has not and
will not achieve anything better than what we have seen with the KRG in Iraq.
The world order is in great turmoil and that is excellent!
The intensification of the contradictions of the capitalists system has given rise to people's struggles and rebellions against imperialism and the political structures dependent on imperialism (the regimes in the oppressed countries). However, without revolutionary communists leading the proletariat and oppressed peoples with the aim of seizing political power and establishing new socialist societies, these rebellions cannot become revolutionary uprisings that would threaten the existence of the capitalist system The "Arab Spring" is a reflection of that situation. The imperialist powers and local reactionary classes are doing everything they can to channel these rebellions to suit their interests.
Pix from Democracy and Class Struggle.