The following article was submitted
to the RED DE BLOGS COMUNISTAS (RBC) blog group. It is important article in
that it looks both at the dangers to the revolutionaries in Peru and the need
to put aside factional fighting in order to defend the country’s Maoists. Some
groups and individuals with-in RBC have argued that this article is meaningless
since the factional differences seem overwhelming. They argue there is no
chance these factions will work together. But the situation in Peru is delicate and very
dangerous. There are at least three main Maoist factions in Peru, mostly
differing over whether to support the people’s war or whether to look for legal
means to form a legal political party and move forward that way. Both ideas
have their own problems and advantages.
During
the 1980s the Peruvian Revolution was conducting the most advanced people’s war
in the world. The military wing of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP, also known
as Shining Path) has dwindled since the capture of Chairman Gonzalo (also known
as Abimael Guzmán in 1992. But Maoism is still a powerful political force
in Peru. And the various parties and groups are in danger of a fascist leaning
government that is openly out to annihilate all Maoist parties connected in any
way with the PCP. So far the government has made no distinction between the
military wing of the PCP, supported by the Peru People's Movement (MPP) and the attempt to build a legal electoral party, the Movadef (Movement
for Amnesty and Fundamental Human Rights MOVADEF).
The suggestions given here
for action in Peru are good ones. They need a united front to take on both the
Peruvian state and the US imperialist forces camping out in this country. Even
if that doesn’t happen it is good to put forward a plan that would allow
Peruvians to defend their revolutionary movements.
This article was originally
written in Spanish and the original can be read here. This article took some
heavy
editing as well as a Google translation. -សតិវអតុ
From RBC:
Peru is a country that is
entering one of the most difficult periods in recent history for its major
contradictions: broken economy, political crisis etc. The bureaucratic
capitalist regime dependent on US imperialism is making problems everywhere so
it is forced to intensify their process of corporatization of institutions and
consolidate their fascist military dictatorship.
Its economy is going through
the best of times at cruising speed as lackeys of imperialism shout from the
rooftops Peru is bankrupt. The general crisis in capitalism begins to take
root strongly in the Peruvian state. This is manifested through various
symptoms: sharp drop in copper sales generated by the accumulation of high
mountains of stocks, the existence of trade deficit and financial for the first
time in a decade and a high corporate debt financed by huge emissions
bond. Surface and optimistic analysis of the bourgeoisie are not aware
that Peru along with the global economy may be on the eve of a severe economic
crisis that involves a constant deflation (falling prices) and the collapse of
the financial system.
Currently its already weak
if national sovereignty is severely threatened. Peru's Congress has
authorized the landing of 3,200 American soldiers
under the guise of fighting "terrorism and drug trafficking." The aim of US imperialism is to establish a continental strategy
of domination, use the Andean country as a platform to destabilize and attack
Bolivia and Ecuador. Domestically it aims to strengthen the fascist military
dictatorship and eliminate all opposition to the existing regime.
To be clear whether the
gringos come armed to the teeth. At a minimum, any and all bourgeois and proletarian left parties may participate in elections. The Peruvian government does
not seek to weaken the Communist Party of Peru (PCP) but to destroy,
annihilate; to behead the Peruvian working masses—their main objective for
the PCP.
Regarding the political
situation we find a decomposition of the state and a crisis of the official
left. The presidential election of 2011 was an election between right and
right itself, with differences of form, not the content. The two
candidates with a realistic chance of reaching the government (Humala, Keiko
Fujimori) shared a desire to continue to maintain good relations with the
United States both politically and investment and strengthen the armed
forces. Ollanta Humala to achieve
victory use a populist and nationalist discourse, promising to defend national
sovereignty and reject the FTA. Subsequently it has shown the opposite.
Humala is a cartoonish
character representing the Republic of Peru. Where unscrupulous
individuals, pirates and outlaws abound and act freely, without any shame in
running for the presidential race. This is because secret pacts between
the different bourgeois factions inbound and outbound, in order to ensure the
stability of the regime are signed. The last covenant (2011) was an
alliance between Humala, APRA, toledistas and fujimoristas to ensure the
protection of criminals, parliamentarians and provide compensation to the
"founding fathers".
Congressmen are basically
serving imperialism, mobsters and drug trafficking. Impunity runs at ease
and acts of corruption and crimes are covered up. It is well known the
name "narcobancada" to refer to a group of congressmen with strong
ties to drug trafficking and money laundering. The power is concentrated
in the executive, legislative and still controls Parliament nonexistent
function. Given these facts, it is not surprising that this is a crisis of
political and legal representation that involves all Party organizations in
this country. These are merely criminal organizations without any
ideological or political line. His reactionary and parasitic character is
also shown by applying, contrary to the masses, as the Pulpin Act. It has
caused health cuts or generates high unemployment forcing more than 800,000
Peruvians migrating labor reforms.
Within the left can
distinguish the bourgeois and proletarian. On the one hand the
bourgeois legal left is in serious decay to the point that now supports the
fascist Humala, a military commander accused of war crimes. And on the
other the hiker left is heavily fragmented into different factions: Mantaro Rojo,
Peru People's Movement (MPP), Movadef group "Comrade José" group
"Comrade Artemio" Red Sun etc, which have important differences
between them strategy and tactics to follow as they start from different
analyzes of the current Peruvian situation. Each is considered the
legitimate representative of PCP, except Movadef that qualifies as an
independent, and judges the other as traitors and enemies of the party,
claiming that deviate from the right path to maintain revisionist positions
right or left lines.
Discussions between factions
is so acute that insults, claims and disqualifications profess using vulgar
expressions as "revisionist rat", "foreign spies",
"traitors", "capitulating", "trotskos dogs" etc
who do not share their opinion is easily accused of infiltrating and agent
intelligence. Broadly speaking, we can speak of two great visions of
Peruvian reality. One who gives as valid popular idea that war is over,
the general amnesty and the path of struggle by legal means to generate new conditions
and save the party cadres of destruction and annihilation becoming
necessary. And another that says that the people's war has not ended and
must continue. Visions need not be incompatible because the realities of
Peru are multiple fronts to undertake. At issue is whether to put more
emphasis on legal or armed struggle.
In this context requires
passing of a revolutionary civil war to a popular war of national
liberation. The struggle is no longer limited only against the big
bourgeoisie and the landlord class but has to focus its efforts on expel
imperialism out of Peru. This can only be achieved with a minimum of unity
of action and coordination between the different Maoist factions. So it is
appropriate that the PCP urgently organize an extraordinary congress or
conference bringing together all revolutionary forces to discuss the
political-military situation. It must master an attitude of brotherhood
and reasoned discussion to raise the level of unity and learning from each
other. If you get to agree, even if it is minimal, party unity will be
strengthened and confidence of the masses be won, creating the factual basis of
a Deliverer National Front implement new strategies and more consistent tactics
to new times. You can not work with old strategies when reality is
changing, old bends should be abandoned.
You have to understand that
in the present circumstances the "peace accords" are no longer viable
and negotiation with the Government of PCP definitively interrupted. The
barbarian US military will not distinguish between colors, their eyes all
walkers forces are equal , both betting by legal means
(Movadef) as those advocated armed struggle. They will serve as separate
organizations are either dependent on PCP or have no relationship to it. Do
not be wary of all the internal division of labor. The PCP sabotage the popular
Yankee imperialist war and a betrayal of the revolution. Today, tomorrow will
they will face the danger of violent annihilation of the Party—or join against a government intent on crushing
them all.
The masterful handling of
the combination between legal and illegal struggle is the best course of
action. Participation in elections is not the main form of struggle but
only one of them. It must be linked to the masses—organize, assemble them
and educate the masses for the revolutionary struggle. This could be done
by mobilizing the Movadef to expose and develop anti-imperialist struggles of
the masses, but at the same time avoid weakening the armed apparatus and
prepare further to militarily confront the inevitable or next military
confrontation.
The situation is not the
same in Lima to Ayacucho so the lines of action may not be the
same. Factions do not have to renounce their views but if they try to
search for approaches to positions with a minimum of unity of
action. According to the law of contradiction always be at least two
currents within the party, a fact that does not conflict with your
unit. The groups that support armed resistance should improve its
relations with the masses, as new generations remain largely distant from these
positions, while the underlying legal means must accept that the People's War
in Peru continues and has not finished.
In Peru there is plausible,
except for self-criticism and adopting a new tactic alternatives. Since the
strategy must be maintained: the seizure of power in the country. -Surrounding
the invaders with a sea of anti-imperialist patriotic masses. The Peruvian government is national treason, selling out the
country.
The armed resistance, however small, is a sword
of Damocles for intervention. The wounded national feeling of the Peruvian
people inevitably feed the armed resistance. National sovereignty can no
longer be trampled. The time has come to constitute a bureaucratic
anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist front to recover it.
To achieve peace, it is
necessary to make war!
No to US invasion and anti-PCP!
No arrests and extrajudicial
killings against defenseless masses!
The
people's war is the only way to win national independence and socialism!
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