It shouldn't surprise anyone that an article for school
children published by The
New York Times is biased against communism and for capitalism. But that
doesn't mean we can't expose such bias and try to find ways to counter it in America 's class
room.
The article in question is called "10 Things You Need
To Know About China ,"
by Patricia Smith and it is published in a school-oriented teen magazine called
Upfront.
It is typical of the kind of biased slant would have come to
expect from The New York Times and
other mainstream publications.
Near the front of Smith's article we see this
statement:
"Officially, China
has been a Communist country since 1949, when Mao Zedong's Communist forces won
a civil war and founded the Peoples Republic of China . By the time Mao died in
1976, China 's economy was in ruins. His
successor, Deng Xiaoping, introduced free-market reforms in 1978 that allowed
private business and foreign investment—and led to three decades of explosive
growth."
First off, there is no explanation as to why this new
government chose to embrace communism, in 1949. Communism is simply portrayed
as "authoritarian," "strict limits on people's rights" and
Smith mentions there are 500,000 political prisoners in China . There is
no mention at all of attempts to end poverty, the goal of a classless society,
the push to feed, educate and provide healthcare to a population that had
little or non of these things before the revolution. There is no background to
explain the difficulties of reforming a feudal society where peasants and poor
people were treated as little more than slaves.
Smith outright lied that the Chinese economy under Mao "was
in ruins." As reported in the newspaper Revolution
(or Revolutionary Worker):
" You've been lied to. In reality, China 's
industrial economy under Mao grew impressively--at an average rate of 10 percent
per year, even during the Cultural Revolution. China ,
the former "sick man of Asia ,"
transformed itself into a major industrial power in the quarter century between
1949 and 1976--a rate of development comparable only to the greatest surges of
growth in history.[1] And
it achieved this without relying on exploitation or foreign assistance, and in
the face of a hostile international environment."
While this newspaper is pro-Maoist, there are other sources
and some are listed in this article. There were some ups and downs to China 's Maoist
economy, but over all, the economy worked. If it had not, how would the nation
have survived from 1949 through 1977? That is about 30 years and no country
could last that long with a ruined economy.
Again in Smith's article:
"Thirty years ago, China was a poor country. The
streets were full of bicycles because almost no one could afford a car. People
needed ration coupons to buy cooking oil or clothes. Today, China 's booming
cities are clogged with traffic. The country boasts more than 400 billionaires
and 9 of the world's tallest buildings."
While China
may have been a relatively poor country under Mao, it had a maintenance
economy. It functioned and met the needs of the people. Most people had
bicycles and few people had cars. What Deng did was to open up the country to
foreign investment to create a consumer
culture. That meant that there would be more consumer goods, such as all
the technological toys people in this country have come to believe they are
entitle to. But there was no effort to make sure that ALL the people take part
in this culture. There is still a lot of poverty in China and attempts to improve the situation
had not gotten better under Deng. He had done what capitalist-consumer
economies always do—They create a large enough middle class that they can
ignore those left out who live in poverty.
For example, while most people had bicycles during the Maoist
years, lots of people in China
don't own cars today.
According to The
World Post:
"China
is the biggest car market in the world by number of vehicles sold. But it still
lags far behind developed markets in terms of the ratio of cars to people. In
2010 in China , only 31 per
1,000 people owned a car, compared with 424 per 1,000 people in the United States ,
said IHS analyst Namrita Chow."
So many people are left out of China 's free-market. At the same
time the number of cars in China
has led to severe problems of pollution. If most people had cars in China
it is hard to imagine that their environment would be livable. The World Post:
"While burning of coal for power plants is a major
source of air pollution across China, vehicle emissions are the single biggest
source of PM2.5 – a secondary pollutant that forms in the air and is tiny
enough to enter deep into the lungs – in Beijing, according to the capital's former
vice mayor, Hong Feng."
Smith gives us a report of glowing praise by the Chinese for
the "reforms" of the last 30 years:
"Most Chinese have applauded the economic reforms: 76
percent say they're better off under a free-market economy, according to a
recent Pew poll."
After 30 years we can assume most of the people, especially
the youth, have no memory of living in the Mao years. So what where they asked
to compare to the so called "free-market" reforms? We know little
about this poll and in this context it seems misleading.
Another miss-leading statement Smith gives:
"The conventional wisdom has long been that people
earning middle-class wages and participating in a free-market economy will
demand and eventually get political freedoms."
What does she mean by "conventional wisdom?" Who
believes this and where does it come from?
For years US pundits were predicting that a well developed
(consumer oriented) economy in South
Korea would encourage western style
democracy. From the end of the Korean War, in 1953, to the late 1980s or early
1990s South Korea
was a dictatorship. So why does a successful and "free-market"
economy lead to democracy and freedom? Actually it doesn't.
From 1973 to 1990 Chile was led by a military
government. Free-marketeer Augusto Pinochet had overthrown the Marxist
president Salvador Allende. Pinochet ended democracy and almost all civil liberties.
Allende respected his country's elections and civil liberties. There are many
examples of authoritarian free-market governments in the world, both past and
present.
While our US
pundits and journalists harp about human rights abuses in countries like China , they overlook the many undemocratic
trends in the US
in recent years. Right-wing political leaders have expanded the rights of
businesses and curtailed the rights of common citizens.
Why does the US
have the highest percentage of its people
in prison? Why are the rights of union workers being rolled back and the
rights of unions
to take part in politics being suppressed? Why are Republicans successfully
able to cut
back on some people's voting rights? And how democratic is a system that
allows $billionaires
to buy politicians and elections —leaving most voters out of the actual
process of selecting candidates?
In other words maybe this country could use some democratic
reforms of its own.
The real issue now is how to provide students in middle and
high schools with alternative views on history and foreign affairs. Most
students will never be exposed to anything other than pro-western,
pro-capitalist, pro-US propaganda. By the time they graduate they will have no exposure
to Marxist views of any kind. They are raised to believe they live in a country
were there is "a Market place of ideas." They have been given a
pro-western education telling them that all beliefs that conflict with the
system of capitalism, that they have been raised in, is the best and that is
presented as "fact."
In education we have a great challenge today to find ways to
reach school children with exposure to ideas they have been told can't work.
For those of us who want to challenge the system, countering
US
propaganda in the form of "education" is one of our most difficult
challenges.
-សតិវ អតុ
[1] See S. Ishikawa, "China 's Economic Growth Since 1949," China
Quarterly, June 1983, Table 1; Raymond Lotta, "The Theory and Practice
of Maoist Planning," in Raymond Lotta, ed., Maoist Economics and the Revolutionary Road
to Communism (New York:
Banner, 1994); Carl Riskin, "Judging Economic Development: The Case of China ," Economic and Political Weekly,
8 October 1977.
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