I always take delight in reporting on various Maoist
revolutionary parties, around the world, with ideas similar to my own. That is one
thing this blog likes to do. I have had people ask me why I waist time on these
small foreign parties, but I feel that other Maoists as myself are both
interested and inspired by other groups around the world who work with the same
ideas.
-សតិវអតុ
1. Ideology and Methods
1. We are Marxists. We believe that the
legacy of classical Marxism in all of its main instances adequately reflects
social processes that are occurring in the modern world. Nowadays, we can
observe that Marxism is consigned to oblivion in the societal consciousness due
to the quite specific historical events and is quite adequately described within
the framework of the categorical apparatus of Marxism itself. A correct
approach to the societal phenomena is not possible without using the methods of
historical materialism, basis dialectics and superstructure, the theory of
proletarian revolution and proletarian internationalism.
2. Marxism-Leninism,
which explained the capitalist states’ transition into the stage of
imperialism, has become the legitimate transformation and vulgarization of Marx
and Engels’s Marxism. Nowadays, the legitimate transformation and vulgarization
of Lenin and Stalin’s Marxism has taken shape of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It
considers the superstructure as a factor on which, at the end of the day, the
success behind the construction of socialism will depend.
«Representatives of the bourgeoisie that sneak into the
Party, the government, the Army and the cultural circles are a batch of
counterrevolutionary revisionists who will seize political power and turn the
proletariat dictatorship into bourgeois dictatorship once the opportunity
ripens». Mao Tse-tung
Historical Questions
1. We believe that socialism, which
politically may only be a dictatorship of the working people under the
leadership of the proletariat, is the necessary path toward a communist world –
a world without inequalities and totalitarian regimes. We consider Soviet
Russia and USSR in the time
of V. I. Lenin and I.V. Stalin (1917-1953) and China
2. As
Maoists, we believe that class struggle between the bourgeoisie and proletariat
continues will continue in a different form and under socialism, its principal
arena will be the communist party, which will have a leading position in the
construction of socialism. Stalin’s death in 1953 and Mao’s death in 1976
became historical borders after which, the victory of bourgeois elements over
the proletarian ones inside the KPSS and the CPC became ever more indisputable.
This has eventually led to the acknowledgement of state capitalism and the
regeneration of both countries into social-imperialist regimes.
3. This is
the source of the unconditional reactionary character of the USSR
3. Modern World
1. Today’s world appears to us divided
in three groups of countries: 1) The countries of the metropolis (USA, Western
Europe, Japan, etc.); 2) Relatively rich countries and/or those with a large
military/industrial potential, which occupy an intermediate position (Russia is
included among them); 3) Third world countries that are being exploited by the
countries of the previous two groups (the majority of ex-USSR republics fall
into this category).
2. The
revolutionary role of the proletariat in each of the mentioned groups of
countries is different:
1. In the countries of the metropolis,
the working class is being won over by the imperialists at the expense of the
surplus profit stemming from the exploitation of Third
World countries and at this point in time cannot be viewed as a
revolutionary force. We are to regard as the main contradiction of this given
group the national contradiction; as the main revolutionary forces – the
oppressed minority of the working class, which, as a rule, does not belong to
the historically-dominant nation (ex. foreign workers) alongside the
revolutionary intelligentsia.
2. In the
countries that occupy an intermediate position between the Metropolis and the Third World , the main force of the socialist revolution
is the proletariat and the main contradiction at this point in time continues
to be the class contradiction. However, in favour of the two-faced
socio-economic character of these countries, the proletariat here is infected
with a national and chauvinistic ideology as well as with reformist illusions.
In this case, the main ally of the proletariat in its class struggle is the
revolutionary petty bourgeoisie.
3. In the Third World countries, the struggle of the proletariat
for its rights is inseparable from these countries’ struggle for an authentic
national independence. Here, the natural ally of the proletariat is the small
and significant part of the national bourgeoisie. In many cases, the nearest
and immediate goal of the proletariat’s struggle in these countries is not a
socialist revolution, but rather the bourgeois-democratic revolution. Its main method is the strategy of
people’s war.
4. Strategy and Tactics
1. We believe that correct tactics
result from a correct strategy, which, in turn, results from a correct
ideological and political line. We believe that the struggle against
imperialism, capitalism and patriarchy goes hand in hand with the struggle
against revisionism, chauvinism and opportunism.
2. Our goal
is to carry out a socialist revolution and the transition to the construction
of communism as a society in which the oppression of any given social group by
any other one – whether class, national or sexual – would be impossible.
3. The driving force of such a
revolution is the working class and the conductor is the vanguard disciplined
revolutionary communist party. A party with a system of democratic centralism,
which includes in itself organisation, leadership, discipline and hierarchy.
4. We believe
that the ruling bourgeoisie will never give away its power without a fight.
Putting an end to bourgeois dictatorship is possible only through the formation
of a public opinion in favour of the seizure of power by means of an armed
struggle. However, we believe that any armed movement on Russia
5. The
creation of a vanguard disciplined revolutionary communist party on Russia
A. For the post-soviet
Russian proletariat, the main consequence of this dominion has become the
oblivion of not only the traditions of mass revolutionary struggle, but also
the basic self-organisation skills, readiness to defend one’s own rights,
libertarian and self-management aspirations. Modern Russia
B. The
inability of the modern Russian ‘communist movement’ to develop a correct
ideological and political line is conditioned by its ideological,
organizational and cadre-oriented continuity inherited from the revisionist
KPSS khruschev-brezhnevite period. The heaviest legacy of KPSS inside the
Russian communist movement are deformed phenomena such as chauvinism,
xenophobia, anti-democratism, the overcoming of which is not possible without
the rebirth of revolutionary traditions of the working class.
6. We
consider our main tactical task to be the propaganda of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism
and revolutionary campaigning among the proletariat and the intelligentsia.
Note: It must be taken into consideration that modern
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is unthinkable without handling the questions of
national liberation (the unconditional recognition of the rights of nations for
self-determination); sexism and patriarchy (struggle for the rights of women
and sexual minorities); bourgeois democracy (the demand of maximum bourgeois
rights and liberties, declared, but in most cases not respected by the state);
ecology (the stop to the chemical exploitation of nature by any modern state is
only possible after the victory of the socialist revolution).
¡Long live the great proletarian red banner of the ideas of Mao
Tse-tung!
¡The proletariat and the oppressed peoples of all countries,
unite!
This document is the (preliminary) program of the
Russian Maoist Party (RPM).
Publicado
por Izquierda de Rusia
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