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Saturday, August 31, 2019

It is time to get rid of the ridiculous label of “state capitalism.”

By SJ Otto
I have been keeping up on comments by leftists on line (mostly Facebook) about Nicolás  Maduro. I realize that in a perfect world Maduro is not a real socialist. But he has met the needs of a lot of poor people in his country. He may not be a true socialist—but the US and our idiot President Donald Trump are trying to overthrow him. He is not supporting a true capitalist system. But what ever he is doing, the US and our idiot leader Trump are trying to stop him.
I have grown sick of the term “state capitalist.” What is that suppose to mean? I remember being a Maoist during the years of the Soviet Union. We didn’t like that country (USSR). It lacked democracy.  It lacked freedom. It ran a massive empire.  But was it really fair to call that country “state capitalism?”

For an example of such arguments against the Madluro Regime on Facebook:

Isaac Peachey Socialism is the workers’ ownership of the means of production and the abolition of private property. Since most of Venezuela’s economy, while regulated, is privately owned, it cannot be Socialism. By that definition, Bolivia wouldn’t be Socialist either.

Joseph Behrens Isaac Peachey who is it privately owned by?do you see how this falls into “ that wasn’t real socialism”?

Isaac Peachey You want an answer that assumes Venezuela is Socialist, but that is problematic because it isn’t Socialist.

Michael Goozee Joseph Behrens to date, if you believe the propaganda, the DPRK claims that workers own the means of production.

Isaac Peachey No, but that’s irrelevant. Venezuela is not even Socialist by the standards of major countries that claimed they were (USSR, Cuba, etc).

Joseph Behrens Michael Goozee me and you both know that’s bs

This summer I went to Cuba and studied its system. There were positive things and less positive things. There ere some stark differences between Cuba and the capitalist US. The biggest thing I noticed was a lack of advertising. In the US it is everywhere. Where ever I go in the US, watching TV, going on the internet, or just answering my phone, advertizing is everywhere. It is in our face. It is pervasive. It is everywhere. It is a fundamental part of capitalism. It is a major part of US culture. People are always trying to sell us something. This may not be important to some people, but to me it as a very important thing.
Instead of capitalist commercials, we saw lots of monuments, posters and museums to the revolution and revolutionary heroes. Sure, in the US we have the Washington monument and other heroes of the regime, but once again, we saw a part of the Cuban culture and it included the history and heroes of the revolution. 
So if people are going to accuse ANY country of being “state capitalist,” there needs to be some cultural evidence that such a system actually exists. I have lived under a capitalist country—The USA—and I am familiar with the system and its culture. I feel I know what capitalism looks like. Maybe I can’t recognize socialism in its true dimensions.
But I do know capitalism and I know what it looks like. So call Cuba anything that is desired. But don’t call it “state capitalism.” What ever we want to call another country’s economic system, let’s be more accurate than “state capitalism.”
Such labels are easy to throw around. That is especially true for countries we really don’t respect as socialism. But such labels can be juvenile and misleading. People who throw those labels around discredit themselves and whatever it is they think they are promoting.
It is stupid—it is childish. What ever people think they accomplish by using this label, they are just being juvenile and it shows.


The Beatles - Back In The U.S.S.R.

Friday, August 30, 2019

Celebrating 50 years Since Naxalbari : From Nagi Reddy Line to C.P.R.C.I (ML)

Today is the 25th anniversary of the formation of the Communist Party Re-Organization Centre of India (Marxist-Leninist)Its formation 25 years ago was a historical landmark in the consolidation of the mass line. Even if not quantitatively as large or impactful or nowhere compared to the C.P.I. (Maoist) qualitatively it had the best or most correct revolutionary alternative .Arguably in areas of practice it practiced mass line more than any other group, like in Orissa and Punjab.I would recommend all cadres to read al the past issues of journal 'The Comrade' now published on Mao thought section of "Banned Thought' which now hardly comes out. Of great significance is its documents on path of protracted peoples war and line on elections as well as practice within mass organizations. It had it's origin in the line of Tarimela Nagi Reddy and Devulapali Venkateswara Rao who formed the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India.
Arguably the unity of 4 organizations into the Communist Party Re-Organization Centre of India (M.L.) was the most qualitative advance in the building of the proletarian revolutionary mass line. Of great significance are their documents on mass line on the agrarian revolution and protracted peoples war, correct evaluation of fascism in India, proletarian line on nationality question and International line. Most dialectically refuted the capitulationism line of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement.
The complex debate in India lies in whether subjective factors exist in India today to undertake the peoples armed struggle or peoples war, even if Objective conditions exist. The dominant trend in the Maoist camp worldwide and in India believe that it exists and only the C.P.I.(Maoist) is on the correct path. No doubt they have had considerable achievements and development in regions like Dandakaranya or even Jharkhand but still we cannot claim that base areas have been established, or people are independently running their own democratic institutions of power. In Orissa in the opinion of a leader of the Malkangiri Adivasi Sangh still conditions do not prevail to launch an armed offensive and armed actions of squads cannot combat the repression unleashed on the masses. He felt that many squad cadre even withdrew to seek employment in administration and many actions were obstacles to development of the democratic movement. In his view the Maoist forces compromised with Essar company striking a deal of compromise or negotiations. and also at times tried to disrupt the open May day meetings. In Punjab there is still a trend of Maoist forces soft-pedaling with Sikh separatist or fundamentalist politics for the cause of Punjabi nationality which is eclectic. There is also a trend of running democratic mass organizations as front organizations by some sections.
What is significant was the demarcation from the left adventurist sectarian character of the Charu Mazumdar line and from the rightist trends of Chandra Pulla Reddy-Satya naranya Singh or revisionist Vinod Mishra line etc.
In earlier periods there were comrades who greatly admired the theoretical line of the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) and praised the mass line approach of the Lok Morcha and the Malkangiri Adivasi Sangh. On my visits to Punjab I have witnessed considerable practice of mass line like in April in the event commemorating centenary of Jallianwallah Bagh and the election campaign of the peasant organizations of landed and landless labour. There are strong critiques who claim that their line is economist by not seriously taking up agrarian revolution or giving political shape or orientation to mass organization of student’s youth and peasants. However considering the situation prevailing the mass movement led by the organization shows considerable depth of revolutionary democratic practice and most appropriate forms of struggle undertaken in accordance to the specific situation faced.Although weakened in Malkangiri grassroots work is taking place for wining rights against alienation from land and opposing scrapping of acts which protected land rights of Adivasis. In West Bengal although not forming independent sectional mass organizations they had done qualitative wok in implementing mass line as fractions within yellow unions.
Still it has to creatively on theoretical and practical level apply Maoism in specific conditions of India, taking caste factor into account, particularly in light of preparation or practice of protracted peoples War. I recommend cadres to read the mass struggles supporting the orientation of the party in the journal "The Comrade" as well as the resolutions on formation of Communist International ,Resolution son Internal and International line ,Mass line in China etc. Particularly recommend reading reports on Commemoration of Maxillary martyrs in Rajjeana in 1996,Founding of Lok Morcha Punjab in 1996,Formation of the BKU(Ugrahan) in 2002 ,Struggle for plots of Landless labour reports in Punjab in 1998 and 2008 ,Padmigeri-Pandripani land struggle victory in Orissa in 1996,Struggle against HAMCO pipeline in 1998 and Struggle against pipeline in Malkangiri in 2003.,West Bengal trade Union struggle in 1995 and 1998.The struggle reports reveal great depth of preparation for struggles ,dividing them into specific stages.
Also available at:

DEMOCRACYANDCLASSTRUGGLE.BLOGSPOT.COM
These articles reflect the personal views of Harsh Thakor DEVELOPMENT OF ORGANIZATIONS…

Wednesday, August 28, 2019

Basic documents of the Communist Party Reorganization Centre of India (ML)

IMPORTANT EXCERPTS FROM BASIC DOCUMENTS OF THE Communist Party Reorganization Centre of India (Marxist Leninist)/ C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) POSTED IN COMMEMORATION OF 25TH ANNIVERSARY. STILL OF GREAT RELEVANCE TO INDIA FOR PATH OF NEW DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION

By Harsh Thakor
The great Telangana armed struggle in particular, provided the most authentic practical evidence of the feasibility of establishing parallel people's political power in the Indian countryside by dint of the peasant-based and communist-led guerrilla armed struggle
Thus the existing socio-economic and political conditions and the past experience of revolutionary struggles of the Indian people both point outthat the Path of Indian revolution is essentially, the Path of Protracted People's War, as theoretically propounded by Comrade Mao Tsetung. Not only the Chinese revolution could succeed following the Path of Protracted People's War as propounded by Mao but also the national democratic revolutions inVietnam, Laos, Cambodia could advance to success in the past by following this Path. Even now, the people's democratic revolutions in various semi-colonial semi-feudal countries like Peru, Philippines, etc. are proceeding along this path. In fact, in none of the semi-feudal semi-colonial countries where revolutions succeeded, have there been countrywide insurrections. Mao's theories concerning the strategy and tactics of people's war are the most developed expression of revolutionary political-military thought of the proletariatto date and constitute the basic frame of reference for mapping out the general course and plan of operational tasks for revolutions in all semi-colonial semi-feudal countries.
It is our fundamental task to apply Mao's theories concerning strategy and tactics of People's War to the concrete practice of Indian revolution. The specific features obtaining in India are likely to necessitate some changes in form and thus even develop some special features of this Path of Protracted People's War in India, but the substantials of it would remain the same. What concrete forms it takes in the earlier and later stages, the advance of Indian revolution alone will decide.
For the present, we have to firmly grasp the main direction of revolutionary advance as already described, adequately sum-up the experiences of armed struggles that have taken place in India, particularly in Telangana, Naxalbari and Srikakulam, and better work out the concrete plan of tasks to prepare the people and lead the Indian revolution along the Path of Protracted People's War. Obviously, it is essential that the entire tactical orientation of the revolutionary forces is imbued with the perspective of people's war path.. Every revolution has its own share of relative advantages and disadvantages. Revolutionaries always seek to make full use of advantages and overcome orneutralise disadvantages by working out correct strategy and tactics.
International support available to a revolution always constitutes a significant advantage, whether it be a great or moderate one. As is the case with every revolution, Indian revolution also will have international support. For all that, Indian revolution will be won basically by the Indian people with their own strength, while taking advantage of the national and international situation. This is fundamental in a revolutionary mass line; and the path of People’s War is based on this line. Only such an approach would prompt the Indian revolutionaries confidently to handle the advantages and disadvantages at hand.
3.1 Advantages and disadvantages the Indian revolution has, relative to the earlier revolutions, pertain to the time-period. We are preparing to unleash protracted people's war in India at an advanced stage of the present era, the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. Irrespective of the zig-zags involving the loss of proletarian state-power in the erst while socialist countries, the present historical phase of world development denotes an objectively advanced level of the decline of imperialism and of the unfolding of world proletarian revolution.
That reality finds major expression in imperialism's loss of all moral-ideological legitimacy and the world people's enhanced awareness of and resistance to the imperialist oppression, bullying, aggression and war. As that reality finds expression in the revolutionary consciousness of the Indian people and raises its level further, it constitutes a major asset for developing People's Democratic revolutionary movement of India. On the other hand, the Indian revolution could not avail of fully or adequately the existence of strong and prestigious socialist countries in the past, and now, the lack of that favorable factor constitute a serious disadvantage. Another advantageous dimension of the present historical situation of the Indian revolution accrues from its access to the rich revolutionary experience and theoretical contributions of the past proletarian revolutions’ the Chinese revolution in particular.
This revolutionary wealth has been earned with the toil and blood of hundreds of thousands of revolutionary fighters the world over and constitutes the most valuable asset of world proletarian revolution and thus of the Indian revolution. It is as strong an advantageous factor for pushing ahead the Indian revolution as the Indian revolutionaries would be able to make it by their diligent efforts to tap it and scientifically use it. If properly grasped and integrated with the concrete practice of Indian revolution, it alone can give them enough strength to overcome all the disadvantageous factors that confront them.
3.2 Further, there are certain disadvantages and advantages the Indian revolution has relative to the other contemporary revolutions. Again, primarily these pertain to the time-period, at the national level. The Indian ruling classes were given a breathing space after the 'transfer of power', thanks to the betrayal of the Indian revolution by the revisionists.
The ruling classes were given enough time to replenish their forces, disrupt the revolutionary movement and corrupt a section of vocal population by the so-called parliamentary or "Panchayati Raj" system (as a part of creating a network of middlemen and imposed dependence of the people on them). The unusual national/ethnic, religious and social diversity of India and the resultant divisions in the Indian society, especially the social divisions owing to the pernicious caste-system, had been a perennial feature responsible for complicating the process of revolutionary transformation of Indian society. The ruling classes were given enough time to manipulate and aggravate such divisions to the detriment of the revolutionary unity and class struggles of the Indian people. Lastly, one should not underestimate the fact that the ruling classes are armed to the teeth while the revolutionary forces have to proceed from elementary levels on both the planes - political-organizational as well as military. These are some of the disadvantages resulting from a delayed revolution in India. Revolutionaries should take note of them in working out their tactics.
The set of disadvantages due to the delayed revolution, however, has its opposite aspect too which, although of a secondary nature at present, suggests all the same that, under suitable conditions, the aspect of disadvantages would give way to the aspect of advantages. After decades of plunder and misrule the ruling classes' economy and politics stand bankrupt before the Indian people, who are thoroughly disgusted with the existing state of affairs and vaguely yearn for a revolutionary alternative to the present system.
Given the correct lead, they will be ready to proceed fast along the
Path of People's War to change the present system. Not only the geographical vastness and demographic plenty happen to be great natural assets for conducting guerrilla warfare in India, even the national/ethnic, social and religious diversity may ultimately militate against the reactionary Indian State. Because the cynical manipulation, callous and authoritarian handling, and ruthless suppression by the Indian rulers, over the decades, have alienated and antagonized various border nationalities, made the religious minorities feel insecure, made the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes as well as other socially deprived sections intensely feel neglected, slighted and marginalized from the national-social mainstream.
On proper handling by the revolutionaries, from a secular, democratic and class standpoint and within the frame of anti-imperialist anti-feudal movement, these forces can veer round to the democratic revolutionary platforms, and lend broader range and intensity to the revolutionary mobilization of the Indian people against the reactionary Indian State. Similarly, the fact that the Indian ruling classes are armed to the teeth is also painfully realized by various peoples belonging to the neighboring countries who have experienced, at one time or the other, the bullying, intervention or aggression by this South Asian military power, with the backing or connivance of imperialist powers.
This circumstance has given rise to new scope and necessity of revolutionary collaboration among the peoples of South Asia against the common counter-revolutionary menace posed by the Indian State, and to some extent, even to the interest of the neighboring counties in the growth of anti-State armed forces within India. Indian people can make skillful use of such tactical opportunities according to the concrete conditions obtaining at the given time--with a differentiated approach towards the rulers the peoples of these countries. Last but not the least, during the long-drawn period of gestation of the national democratic revolution of India, particularly since the arrival of the proletariat on the national stage as an independent political force in the Nineteen Twenties, the revolutionary movement has gathered a lot of practical experience. The fact that this experience is largely negative in nature does not lessen its value and utility for making the past serve the present and shape the future.
7.2 At all other times, as long as imperialism controls India indirectly, as at present, the contradiction between feudalism and broad masses of the Indian people will remain in the forefront as the principal contradiction. As a consequence, the struggles emanating from this contradiction will influence and determine the course of development of all other class struggles emanating from other major contradictions. In other words, in the present phase of the Indian revolution, the development of the class struggle in general is going to be ultimately conditioned by the development of the agrarian revolutionary movement, that is, the development of anti-feudal struggles of the peasantry led by the proletariat on the basis of the agrarian revolutionary programme, and imbued with revolutionary political consciousness.
7.3 Hence, in the present phase of Indian revolution, in order to ensure the correct tactical orientation of the concrete plan of tasks and policies of the communist revolutionary forces, these must give conscious expression to the objective logic of the unfolding of the principal contradiction by making the requirements of building up the agrarian revolutionary movements their central reference-point. Doing so would have bearings particularly on the scheme for deployment of the Party forces and resources; on the orientation of the political work on other fronts, particularly the workers front—who are to be made to acquire the realization and capability of discharging their leadership responsibilities towards the peasantry in their struggle against feudal oppression bureaucratic suppression and for real democracy; and on the dealings with various political forces particularly those belonging to the ruling classes.


This is also available at bannedthought.net

Monday, August 26, 2019

The Communist and Workers Parties denounce the anti-communist fiesta being organized by the Estonian Presidency of EU

There are a lot of very reactionary people in some of the countries in what as formally Eastern Europe. There are many leftists who come from East Europe and now that the Soviet Union is gone, there are those people in that part of Europe who realize that communism was not all bad. It is understandable that many people from Eastern Europe felt that the Soviet Union used their countries as a kind of colony. Some of the East European governments were nothing more than military dictatorships. Very little Marxism was taught in the schools and Marxist-Leninism as not promoted as an ideology in some of those countries.
But there is no excuse for the reactionary attitudes and right-wing holidays of the people of Estonia and some of those other Eastern European countries. Such countries could not join NATO fast enough. They wanted wealthier countries giving them guns and giving them protection from Russia today. These countries are taking advantage of the other NATO countries. Countries as Estonia are almost fascists-like. They have tried to ban socialist and communist parties. Outlawing an ideology is just as totalitarian as anything the Soviets ever did. Leaders as the Estonian president of EU are just as bad as President Donald Trump. I noticed there is a Communist Party of Estonia
 so not all the people in Estonia are fascist minded. Being that anti-socialist and anti-communist is extremely backward and reactionary. It is sad that such countries have set their people so far backward. –SJ Otto    

The Communist and Workers Parties denounce the anti-communist fiesta being organized by the Estonian Presidency of the EU, in the framework of the so-called “European Day of Remembrance for the victims of totalitarian regimes”- as the EU has been attempting in recent years to establish the 23rd of August. The anti-communist meeting aims to slander socialism and its unprecedented achievements for the workers, to falsify history, to anti-historically and unacceptably equate communism with the monster of fascism and its atrocities. The provocative identification of communism with fascism means exonerating fascism and the womb that gives birth to and nourishes it, the exploitative capitalist system. This is why, when communists are being persecuted and condemned and communist parties are being banned in a number of EU countries, at the same time honours are being bestowed on and pensions provided to the Nazi collaborators and their political descendants.
The workers, the peoples can now draw conclusions about the fact that the escalation of anti-communism signals the intensification of the anti-people measures, the restriction of workers’-people’s rights, the unleashing of new imperialist wars.
The truth will shine through. 100 years after the Great October Socialist Revolution, the superiority of the socialist system cannot be concealed, however many tonnes of mud they throw at it. The peoples, through their struggle, will find the path to a society where the wealth will belong to those that produce it, to socialism-communism.

1.                 Communist Party of Albania
2.                 Algerian Party for Democracy and Socialism (PADS)
3.                 Communist Party of Australia
4.                 Party of Labour of Austria
5.                 Communist Party of Azerbadjan
6.                 Communist Party of Bangladesh
7.                 Belarusian Communist Party of Workers-Section of the CPSU
8.                 Brazilian Communist Party
9.                 Communist Party of Brazil
10.            Communist Party of Britain
11.            Party of Bulgarian Communists
12.            Union of Communists in Bulgaria
13.            Colombian Communist Party
14.            Socialist Workers Party of Croatia
15.            AKEL, Cyprus
16.            Communist Party of Bohemia & Moravia
17.            Communist Party of Denmark
18.            Communist Party in Denmark
19.            Communist Party, Denmark 
20.            Communist Party of Estonia
21.            Communist Party of Finland
22.            Communist Workers` Party for Peace and Socialism (Finland)
23.            Pole of Communist Revival in France
24.            Revolutionary Communist Party (France)
25.            Communist Revolutionary Party of France
26.            Unified Communist Party of Georgia
27.            German Communist Party
28.            Communist Party of Greece
29.            Hungarian Workers’ Party
30.            Communist Party of India
31.            Communist Party of India (Marxist)
32.            Tudeh Party of Iran
33.            Communist Party of Ireland
34.            Workers Party of Ireland 
35.            Communist Party of Israel
36.            Communist Party (Italy)
37.            Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan
38.            Communist Party of Kazakhstan-section of CPSU
39.            Communist Party of Kyrgyzstan
40.            Socialist Party of Latvia
41.            Communist Party of Latvia
42.            Lebanese Communist Party
43.            Communist Party of Luxembourg
44.            Communist Party of Malta
45.            Communist Party of Mexico
46.            Popular Socialist Party of Mexico
47.            Communist Party of Moldova-section of CPSU
48.            New Communist Party of the Netherlands
49.            Communist Party of Norway
50.            Communist Party of Pakistan
51.            Palestinian Communist Party
52.            Palestinian Peoples Party
53.            Paraguayan Communist Party
54.            Peruvian Communist Party
55.            Philippine Communist Party (PKP-1930)
56.            Communist Party of Poland
57.            Communist Party of Puerto Rico
58.            Socialist Party of Romania
59.            Romanian Communist Party
60.            Romanian Communist Party XXI Century
61.            Communist Party of the Russian Federation
62.            Union of Communist Parties – Communist Party of the Soviet Union
63.            Russian Communist Workers’ Party
64.            Communist Party of Soviet Union
65.            New Communist Party of Yugoslavia
66.            South African Communist Party
67.            Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain
68.            Galizan People´s Union (UPG)
69.            Communist Party of Sri Lanka
70.            Communist Party of Swaziland
71.            Communist Party of Sweden
72.            Communist Party, Sweden
73.            Syrian Communist Party
74.            Communist Party of Tadjikistan
75.            Communist Party of Transdnisteria-section of CPSU
76.            Communist Party of Turkey
77.            Communist Party of Ukraine
78.            Union of Communists in Ukraine
79.            Communist Party of Uruguay
80.            Communist Party USA
81.            Party of Communists USA
82.            Party for Socialism and Liberation (USA)
83.            Communist Party of Venezuela