1.3. New birth of the communist movement on the basis of MLM
The evaluation of the first wave of proletarian revolution and the establishment of the strategy that the communist parties must follow to successfully promote and guide the second wave of the proletarian revolution can be summed up in the conception of the world designated by the term Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The main contributions of Mao to this conception are the five mentioned in the article about the Eighth Discriminating Factor (2002) [The eighth discriminating factor in EILE http://www.nuovopci.it, translated in English, Spanish, French, see below in “Texts” Section]: the protracted revolutionary people’s war as universal strategy of the proletarian revolution, however to be applied under the particular conditions of each country, the revolution of new democracy as a particular strategy of the oppressed semi-feudal countries in the world imperialist system, the class struggle in socialist society based on the seven major contradictions that socialist society has to deal with, the mass line as the primary method of work and direction of the communist party, the two lines struggle in the communist party as a principle for the development of the party and for his defense from bourgeoisie’s influence.
1. The protracted revolutionary people’s war
The protracted revolutionary people’s war is the strategy that we Communists of the imperialist countries have to follow for leading the working class to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, to begin the phase of socialist transformation of society and to contribute to the second wave of world proletarian revolution.
2. The new democratic revolutions
The new democratic revolutions are the strategy of Communists in neocolonial countries oppressed by imperialism, where the bourgeois revolution (the abolition of the relations of personal dependence and the dominance of commodity production) for the essence has not yet been accomplished.
3. The class struggle in socialist society
In socialist society, the bourgeoisie consists of leaders of the party, of the state and of other social institutions that support the road to capitalism.
4. The mass line
The mass line is the main method of work and direction of every communist party. It combines the autonomy of the party from the masses and its link with them in dialectical unity. It consists of collecting the scattered and confuse elements of knowledge that exist among the masses and their aspirations, of elaborating them so that we obtain goals, guidelines, methods and criteria that we bring to the masses until they make them their own and implement them. In this new situation, the process repeats itself: we select the scattered and confused elements of knowledge and the aspirations of the masses, we elaborate them obtaining from it objectives, guidelines, methods and criteria that we propose to the masses because they make them their own and implement them. By repeating this process over and over again, each time Communists’ conceptions become richer and more concrete and the revolutionary process proceeds to victory. Seen from another angle, in each group the mass line consists of identifying the left wing (i.e. the part whose tensions, if implemented, will lead the group to flow in the channel of socialist revolution), the center and right wings, of mobilizing and organizing the left so that it could be able to unite the center with itself and isolate the right.
5. The two lines struggle in the party
The two lines struggle in the party is the principle for the development of the communist party and for its defense from bourgeoisie’s influence. The principle corresponds to the law of dialectical materialism according to which the contradiction is in all things and governs their development. The development of the communist party is governed by the contradiction between advanced and backward, between new and old, between true and false, and by the contradiction between the interests of the working class and the influence of the bourgeoisie in the communist party itself. The two lines struggle is therefore not only debate in the search for the right path, but also a reflection of the war between the classes within the party. In this aspect it can become antagonistic.
To think that the party is impervious to bourgeoisie’s influence, or that such influence can still be resolved primarily or even only with organizational measures, as instruments of control within it (Control Commission, etc.) and of closing outwards (standards of recruitment, etc.), and so to think that the party is an entity not inherently contradictory, is wrong. In the historical experience this conception did not serve to preserve communist parties from degeneration. On the contrary, it has even facilitated the influence of the bourgeoisie in the parties that believed themselves immune.
Some comrades objected the “theory of three worlds” to Maoism. The theory of three worlds is certainly a non-Marxist theory, which has had a negative role in the history of the communist movement and served to the right wing of the Chinese Communist Party for pushing through its program of introduction of capitalism in China (the “four modernizations”, etc.) in order to make China an imperialist power. As far as we know, it was stated for the first time publicly in April 1974, in UN General Assembly Special Session on Raw Materials and Development by Teng Hisao-ping, declared leader of the right wing of the Chinese Communist Party, rehabilitated in April 1973 and dismissed again by each office in the Party and State in April 1976.
It is doubtful that this theory has been formulated by Mao Tse-tung: even Enver Hoxha did not dare to say it , while reproaching Mao this theory. However, even if it was drafted by Mao, this bourgeois theory does not invalidate the positive and essential contribution that Maoism has given to communist thinking, to which that theory is completely foreign. To say that Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the third higher stage of communist thinking, does not imply to state that Mao, Lenin or Marx did not commit errors, that they never stated mistaken theories, to hold that these great leaders of the communist movement were infallible. It would be a concept completely alien to dialectical materialism. The main contributions of Maoism to the communist thinking are the five clearly illustrated in the above-mentioned article On the Eighth Discriminating Factor (2002). They are essential for the revival of the communist movement.
1.4. Prospects of organization of the International Communist Movement.
Why does the new birth of the communist movement progress so slowly?
The communist movement has not yet embraced the notion that the revolution does not breaks out, but has to be built as Engels already stated in 1895 in the Introduction to Class Struggles in France from 1848 to 1850. Both in the time of Second International and in the time of the Communist International most of the parties waiting for the revolution to break out developed activities supporting claiming struggles or propaganda of socialism. From this there arose the two wrong tendencies that still persist as the major elements that put a check on the new birth of the communist movement, that is economism and dogmatism.
We share the conception expressed by Frederick Engels, who stated that socialist revolution cannot consist of a popular uprising that breaks out because a combination of circumstances, during which the most advanced party seizes the power. As we have already told in various parts of this document, the socialist revolution is a protracted revolutionary people’s war led by the communist Party one campaign after another, during which the communist party strengthens and consolidates, collects and forms the revolutionary forces organizing the advanced elements of the working class and of the other classes of the popular masses, as well as in its own ranks, in mass organizations which clump around the party (revolutionary front), and builds, extends and strengthens step by step a new direction on broad popular masses, a new power which is opposed to that of the bourgeoisie and hugs him in a growing vise until it supplants it, as a rule through a civil war roused by the bourgeoisie when it is with its back on the wall, grabs the whole country and establishes socialism. This strategy of socialist revolution is confirmed by the evaluation of the experience of the first wave of proletarian revolution in the imperialist countries.
The prospects of organization of the International Communist Movement are closely linked to the new birth of the communist movement. This will certainly occur as we shall overcome in our ranks dogmatism and economism that in each country prevent the communist movement from playing the role only it can play in the turmoil of the terminal phase of the second general crisis in which the masses are involved everywhere. The struggle to overcome dogmatism and economism in the International Communist Movement is the struggle for its reorganization. The efforts to reorganize the International Communist Movement or anyway to promote its new birth by means and initiatives mainly or only organizational are unfruitful. The discussion that we want to lead is a component of the struggle to reorganize the International Communist Movement and to found the second Communist International.
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