by Netra Bikram Chand 'Biplab'
The leadership of Baburam Bhatterai and Prachanda in the
Nepalese revolution has disintegrated. It has shown that rightist reactionary
politics emerged again in Nepal 's
history.
The situation has become difficult because their leadership abandoned the goal
of the People's Federal
Republic
But because the proletarian current within the Party is strong the Party has
not been damaged and even if we face temporary problems our revolution is safe.
Now the principal task of the revolutionary is to take the movement forward to
victory.
We need to evaluate how Prachanda and Bhatterai diluted and corrupted our
politics and reach a clear solution based on the points below:
1. Programme of the Constitution Assembly
The objective of the People's War was a People's Republic. After the sixth year
of People's War the Party held its second congress and Prachanda declared that
the call for a Constitutional Assembly was a tactic towards achieving the
strategic goal of a republic. At the same meeting the debate started as to how
the former could mesh into the latter. Prachanda said further that the
establishment of a CA would validate PW. But now the CA is not the instrument
for enacting our programme but a weapon against it. It proves that the
capitulationist policies of Prachanda and Bhatterai were cultivated under the
call for a CA and that the PW was used a mechanism for entering parliamentary
institutions in an opportunist and reformist way.
There are two interesting facts regarding the Second Congress of the Party;
firstly Bhatterai agreed to the Prachanda Path and secondly the meeting of
Prachanda and Bhatterai with Delhi beforehand led to the call for a CA.
All leaders and cadre knew that Bhatterai was opposed to centralized leadership
at the Fourth Plenum of the Party which was held in 1998, saying it would lead
to autocracy and counter-revolution.
Those close to Prachanda said this was against the communist principle of
democratic centralism and that he was a rightist. Our Second Congress ended
this debate within the Party with centralized leadership entering the Party's
ideology in the same way as Prachanda Path which after a three month dialogue
became the ideology and policy of the Party.
It is ironic that Bhatterai accepted this and became its leading spokesman. Our
fraternal communist parties' world-wide did not agree with this. If we go
through these events we can see that Prachanda persuaded Bhatterai to accept
the Prachanda Path in return for him accepting the parliamentary road.
Another interesting point is that the demand for a CA, round-table conference
and joint government appeared so suddenly at the Second Congress. If we asked
why it had happened in this way Prachanda answered cleverly that it was to give
legitimacy to the PW.
We now know that the call for a CA was agreed by the Indian government and
Bhatterai six months prior to the Second Congress.
2. Stage and sub-stage Within the Revolution
When the Party agreed about the CA at the time Bhatterai proposed stage and
sub-stage theory which was opposed initially by comrades but gradually took
root. Prachanda never officially criticized it but used to say in Party
meetings that it was `bourgeois and rightist'. Bhatterai himself never used the
term `bourgeois democracy' until King Gyanendra's seizure of power and
dissolution of parliament in 2004. But now it is proved that the stages of
revolution proposed by Bhatterai was to fuse PW with bourgeois democracy.
3. Institutional Development of Republican Democracy.
The Chunwang Plenum in 2005 of the Party declared the tactic of republican
democracy by making an alliance with the reactionary parties. It was intended
as an interim move to pave the way for a People's Republic. Prachanda clearly
stated in a Party document that the communist party will to convert this stage
into a PR; that the status quo parties will try to establish bourgeois
capitalism and that at this same point the revolution will be focused. The
whole Party agreed with this but after the 2006 Andolan (uprising) and the
overthrow of Gyanendra Bhatterai then began to use the term `republican
democracy'. For our part cadres never discussed in detail the implications of
the institutional development of this project. This term clearly implied that
it was a pro-people's state but that it was never the strategy of the Party. It
was not conducive for a semi-feudal, neo-colonial country like Nepal where are
the social structures remained the same.
It was always accepted within the Party that republican democracy was a
transitional tactic towards a People's Republic and no more. Our strategy
remained for the latter but
Bhatterai's concept of institutional development had the effect of freezing
that transition and worse entrenching bourgeois capitalist democracy. This is
not a eventual aim of a communist party and is capitulationist to abandon the
revolution to change the social and economic structure and the general
capitalist characteristics of the state.
4. Peace and Constitution
Now Prachanda and Bhatterai are focused on peace and constitution as if all
else is illusion.
They want a bourgeois constitution spelt out and are criticizing those who want
a revolutionary settlement for peace and constitution. The fact is that we do
not want a constitution with bourgeois characteristics but instead one that
will secure the rights of peasants, workers, janjatis, Dalits, women and PLA.
None of this is mentioned in the proposals they have put forth.
Yes we need peace and constitution but one that is clearly defined. What we
have today asks the question as to how we can bring real peace? And what did we
struggle for in PW? These are the questions we need to concentrate on. We had a
type of peace and constitution before PW but in our analysis it was not
pro-people – to the contrary. It was a system that did not reflect their
interests but only those of the entrenched bourgeois-feudal classes. Therefore
the great PW was launched and a pro-people peace and constitution came to the
forefront. But now they are trying to rebuild the system as it was before and
this is unacceptable. It will designed to function for those who were the
ruling class in the past. This creates the necessity of struggle for a
pro-people settlement.
5. Republican Democracy
The political line of Prachanda and Bhatterai has trapped them within the
confines of bourgeois republican democracy. They reasons they give for
accepting it is because of the difficulties for revolutionaries given the
national and international balance of forces. This is not true; the fact is
that this has led them to a rightist and opportunist position.
These are the same people who declared the previous bourgeois democratic system
as reactionary and were leaders in PW to end it. It is clear that bourgeois
democrats favour capitalism and we would be mistaken if we believed that this
system benefits our people.
The are the same people who use to say that we have to complete our revolution
and establish a People's Republic but who now say it is an `ultra-leftist' and
`dogmatic' aspiration which is against a lasting peace. Now their activities in
collecting the names of the revolutionary leaders from the districts and
villages shows they are not only rightist and capitulationist but fascist. We
know that the eventual outcome of capitalist democracy in an age of imperialism
is fascism and it appears that Prachanda and Bhatterai by advocating and
implementing this system are working towards this outcome.
Summary
The Maoist party which started the PW that organized and administered the
liberated zones and the PLA became the centre of international revolution but
Prachanda and Bhatterai have surrendered this to Delhi, Nepali Congress, UML
and the forces of reaction by announcing the end of the PW, the dismantlement
of dual-power institutions of People's Courts, communes and the PLA. Under
their leadership the Nepalese revolution is collapsing. Why has this happened?
To answer this question we must go to the point during PW when they introduced
the CA and round-table conferences as two stages of struggle and it was the logical
outcome of their plan of establishing bourgeois republican democracy. In short
we can say that their agenda became consolidated when Prachanda assimilated
Bhatterai's ideology and politics.
Revolutionary Responsibilities
Their betrayal of the Nepalese revolution has created a crisis but is not fatal
to the revolution, we can rise to the challenge and we should.Therefore we have
duties and should not delay in fulfilling our responsibilities by concentrating
on the four points below:
1) Protecting Our Revolutionary Ideology
Now they are attacking Marxist-Leninist-Maoism by using it to argue that
Nepal's specific objective conditions require the revolution to acquire
bourgeois-capitalist characteristics and cannot be used as a model for world
revolution. Communists, in short, should accept multi-party democracy in a
bourgeois capitalist state. Because of this all our dual-power structures were
dismantled, dissolved and disrupted. We have to take a stand against this
dilution of our revolutionary praxis. We have to counter-attack this ideology
which blocks the revolution by establishing bourgeois democracy and entrenching
capitalism. There is no doubt that presently social-democracy reflects the
crisis in capitalism.
2) Formation of Revolutionary Centres
Dismantling the leadership of Prachanda and Bhatterai will leave a vacuum that
revolutionaries must fill. They are already rightist revisionists whatever form
of `revolutionary' rhetoric they use and this has become a major problem facing
our revolution.
The Two-Line Struggle within the Party formed the foundation of revolutionary
leadership but formally Prachanda is the leader of the Party so it made it
easier for them to implement a rightist/revisionist programme and more
difficult to implement a revolutionary one. If we want to solve this problem we
have to address the question of a revolutionary leadership.
We know very well that the leadership should match our ideology otherwise we
cannot complete the revolution. If we have the appropriate ideology and plan
without the complementary leadership nothing will advance.
It is agreed inside the Party that up to now the situation has been favourable
for the revolution in Nepal ,
especially as there is a burning desire among the many marginalized for fundamental
change.But Prachanda and Bhatterai have shown themselves not prepared to
represent and to organize for such an eventuality.
They are not ready to take the revolutionary risk. Therefore, to be practical
it is not that difficult to for us to break with this timorous approach and
move forward boldly.
3) Alternative People's State
Only a People's state can provide the alternative for their rights and
liberation. Parliamentary capitalism cannot fulfill such tasks, but presently
Prachanda and Bhatterai are the spokespersons for this polity. They are saying
there is no other route than bourgeois democracy and represents how rightist
and capitulationist their thinking has become. It creates difficulties for the
people and we should protest against it.
Dual-power structures established to serve the people during PW have been
cleverly, gradually and wrongly destroyed by Prachanda. To serve this aim
Prachanda rhetorically raised the slogan for urban revolution and many sincere
revolutionaries believed him although the real agenda was to drag the Party
towards reformist parliamentarianism.
In fact, in the final analysis it became counter-productive for Prachanda.
Now there are fresh opportunities to re-unify the movement and People's
Democracy. Inside the drama of the CA the attitudes of strengthening
parliamentary democracy became prevalent. People's rights are to be terminated
and genuflection made to the international power-brokers of imperialism which
has inspired a strong people's resistance against this trend.
4) Revolutionary Struggle
Without struggle the old will not die and the new cannot be born and while the
parliamentary system is here we must direct our energies against it. After the
election for last CA we did not try to reorganise our revolution. The most
extreme slogans of Prachanda were just made to confuse revolutionaries.
There are the problems for farmers and peasants with Prachanda returning the
expropriated lands to the feudal zamindars (landlords). There are problems for
workers but Prachanda and Bhatterai are considering denying them the right to
strike. When we talk about problems for our national sovereignty they sign yet
more unequal treaties. They are not taking responsibility for the day-to-day
problems faced by ordinary people. Yet they criticise revolutionaries as
`ultra-left' for addressing these issues. These examples prove that they are
preparing to ban furthers struggles but the revolutionary current is strong in
the country and the people support it. There is no alternative but for to us
re-organise the revolutionary forces in the coming days and months.
Conclusion
The Prachanda and Bhatterai axis is already discredited within the Nepalese
revolution. It is the reality as they have proved over the last six years that
they are agents of capitalist parliamentary democracy. This is reflected in the
dismemberment of People's dual-power structures and their personal financial
corruption. This is further proof that Bhatterai's agenda of a revolutionary
sub-stage and Prachanda's adoption of that stratagem, which has resulted in
their abandonment of revolutionary communism for bourgeois capitalist
democracy.
The rightist alignment within the Party should be the target for
revolutionaries and carried out according to Marxist-Leninist-Maoist
principles. It should be transformed and re-integrated into the revolutionary
forces or eliminated. After the identifying the rightist/reformist trend within
the Party it will not remain for long.
Logically there is an alternative to the capitalist parliamentary system and
that is the People's Republic which will address and solve the problems of the
people. This will be achieved by communists and democratic patriotic giving
leadership in respect of permanent peace and the development and prosperity of
the country.
There is no other way and it is the necessity for the revolutionary center to
establish a People's Republic. We have to accept this truth and implement this
strategy. This is the prime responsibility for revolutionaries and one which
will raise the Nepalese revolution to new heights.
Red Front
एकीकृत नेपाल कम्युनिष्ट पार्टी (माओवादी)
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