Otto's War Room (毛派): Italy--build a People’s Bloc Government

Statement by the (new)Italian Communist Party;

CARC Party – International Department

(N)PCI CENTRAL COMMITTEE STATEMENT

5^TH MARCH 2012

From Susa Valley to Sicily, from Naples to Rome, to Milan, from one end of the country to the other the call is the same:

Let’s build a People’s Bloc Government, a Working-class and Popular Organizations’ government!

Off with Monti’s government go away!

In the week that begins today, the struggles against the construction of High Speed Train’s railway line [NO TAV], spread nationwide in recent days, will weld into the struggles for workmen’s rights which will merge with general strike and national demonstration in Rome on next Friday, called by the Federation of Metalworkers [FIOM]. Together they will clear the way for the struggles against Monti’s government which will merge with the national demonstration in Milan on March 31^st promoted by No Debt National Committee.

Monti’s government is imposing on the popular masses the harms that Berlusconi’s government has not been able to impose. For popular masses Monti’s government is even worse than Berlusconi and Prodi’s ones: the governments which preceded it along the way of elimination of civilization and progress attainments (pensions, rights in one’s place of work, permanence of one’s job, collective agreements, social security cushions, public education and health service, public services, social security, representation and information rights, and so on) that popular masses, in the scope of proletarian revolution’s first wave, had extracted from imperialist bourgeoisie and from Papal Republic’s authorities.

Like what happened in other imperialist countries, also in Italy those attainments have become unsustainable for the bourgeoisie and its authorities, which since the Seventies have been having to cope with capitalism’s new general crisis, and since 2007 have been grappling with the coming to a head of crisis’ terminal phase. To eliminate those attainments is the synthesis of the common programme which bourgeoisie and the authorities of Papal Republic have been pursuing for over these last thirty years, whatever side their governments maintain to be on. Monti’s government is the last resource the leaders of Papal Republic, in league with European Union’s authorities and with world imperialist system’s institutions, have resorted to. The unanimous support for Monti’s government from all major parties of Parliament is the evidence that Papal Republic has arrived at its last chance.

The measures that Monti’s government imposes on popular masses are a throwback to the past preceding proletarian revolution’s first wave. This drift towards reaction is made even more destructive and painful by modified social and material conditions, by moral and intellectual development existed.

Popular masses mobilize against this drift towards reaction in a front which, step by step, finds its organization forms and its leading body, and sets its detail objectives. More and more broadly popular masses mobilize from one end of the country to the other, organize, go on fight and make the country ungovernable by Monti’s government.

Promoters and protagonists, leaders and participants in Susa Valley’s NO-TAV struggles have the great credit for having deeply rooted the resistance to oppression and to devastation in the population of a territory which Papal Republic had already sacrificed to speculators, bankers, entrepreneurs and social climbers’ manoeuvres. They have the credit for having given nationwide meaning and importance to Susa Valley population’s resistance, for having gathered around it environmental and ecological groups all over the country, for having pointed the way of an effective struggle against property speculation’s great works, for having turned Susa Valley’s resistance into a flag for all those who are struggling in any part of Italy for the recovery from past thirty years’ drift. They have shown and confirmed, with the struggles of these last weeks, that it is possible to bring Monti’s government at bay, although it has Parliament’s support and the servile collaboration of the media poisoning public opinion

The FIOM has the great credit for having appealed organization and struggle’s tradition of the most glorious trade union of our country’s workers. It was an organization which had been participating for years, with the rest of regime unions, in the drift of consultation and collaboration with Papal Republic’s authorities and with the masters. Confronted with the obligation to abet in worse foul deeds, it has reacted to the deviation and has appealed to its best organization and struggle’s tradition. Since the June 2010 referendum in Pomigliano, the FIOM has raised the flag of the resistance of workers and of all workmen to the cancellation of National Collective Agreements and of workmen’s rights, beginning from the freedom to join a union and from the right to the reinstatement in their job for workmen wrongfully dismissed (Article 18 of Workers’ Statute of Rights). From its initiative they have drawn and will draw strength not only the craft unions’ left wing of Italian General Confederation of Labour [CGIL] and of other regime unions, which has left or will leave the road to collaboration with masters and with their authorities, but also those alternative and grass-roots unions (Grass-roots Labour Union [USB], Grass-roots Joint Confederation [CUB], Grass-roots Committees [Cobas] Federation, etc.) which won’t use their credit of the past, the credit for their opposition to consultation and to collaboration, so as to persist with a sectarian line, and won’t limit themselves to union demands. Alternative and grass-roots unions’ converging on general strike and Rome national demonstration on Friday, March 9^th is a testing ground for the ability of each of them to be renewed and to gear the forms of their struggle to the modified conditions of class struggle’s present phase.

No Debt National Committee’s initiative can and therefore has to channel into a common course of struggle to topple Monti’s government the initiatives which have bred the mobilization of women on February 13^th 2011, the victories at Spring 2011 local elections against the parties which now furnish Monti’s government with parliamentary backing, the victorious June 2011 referendums against water companies and other public services’ privatization, the Network of Municipalities for Common Goods and the other resistance and struggle associations of society against the drift towards reaction. The International Women’s Day (March 8^th), the national demonstration in Rome on March 9^th and the one on March 31^st in Milan have to renew and relaunch those victories.

Italian imperialist bourgeoisie,

Papal Court

, EU institutions and International Community of world imperialist system have found Monti’s government and the “large coalition” of Bersani’s Democratic Party, Berlusconi’s People of Liberties and Casini, Rutelli and Fini’s Centre Union to be such a more authoritative, authoritarian and reactionary government they aimed for to hold popular masses subject. But popular masses keep more and more largely joining their forces into a wide front which all particular struggles merge with, and will be less and less subject.

Within this front, as its most advanced and far-sighted part, it forms the new generation of Communists united on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and organizationally joined within new Italian Communist Party. The watchword of People’s Bloc Government, a Working-class and Popular Organizations’ emergency government, is the directive we launch to the wide popular masses’ struggle front against Monti’s government. This is the immediate contribution we Communists are making to this wide struggle front.

We Communists do not claim a right to leadership. In a struggle people’s movement, when struggle becomes serious, he hasn’t actually got the leadership who claims a right to, nor does who would have been designated as leader on the relations inherited from elapsed history. He has the leadership who has a more far-sighted and deeper view about ongoing struggle, launches the watchwords that in the concrete situation are up the better to fighters’ real aspirations and with determination gives himself the means of his politics. Practice is the testing ground for theory!

At first sight there are big differences between us Communists and most of the promoters and protagonists of each of presently ongoing struggles. But we Communists, while do not hide, on the contrary we declare, our historical objectives, and on the basis of them we group our forces, we strongly support each of ongoing struggles, one-sided as the objectives of each of them may be with respect to our historical objectives.

Why do we support them? Because each of them to be successful has to merge with the constitution of a people’s emergency government, and the constitution of it and the defence of its work will quicken Communist Movement’s rebirth and will result in socialism’s establishment. What is more towards the future of ongoing social transformation, they are not actually the intentions and conceptions of single struggles’ promoters. What is more is the effect that each of the single struggles has in the context where it is carried out and the role we Communists make it assume combining it, through our initiative, with the other ongoing struggles.

We Communists support each of the ongoing struggles just because socialism’s establishment, that starts the transition from capitalism to communism, is the result which all those who will battle with determination and without yielding for the particular objective of their struggle will have to converge towards. The practice of the struggle against world imperialist system and against its component on Italian soil, the Papal Republic, will be the school of Communism the popular masses of our country need to adhere to the road the Communists’ world view points and illustrates. What is now decisive in each of single ongoing struggles, it is not the change of intentions and world view staying in their protagonists and promoters’ minds. Only the most advanced and generous exponents right now adhere to our historical objectives and assimilate the Communist world view. What is decisive in each of single ongoing struggles, it is that its protagonists give themselves the means of winning in the face of imperialist bourgeoisie, Papal Republic’s authorities, International Community of speculators and warmongers who are Papal Republic’s outside support. It is decisive that its protagonists give themselves the means of not being involved and engulfed in capitalism’s crisis. That’s why we Communists have to be in every single struggle the most resolute fighters, those who always push it forward and find in the context the means of tipping the balance of power, as a rule initially unfavourable for popular masses, and of protracting the struggle until victory.

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the Communist world view, is not a faith to adhere to. It is a guidance for the action, for the victory in the struggle which popular masses are fighting. On this ground it shows its correspondence to reality, like every science does. We can find in the context the means of victory thanks to the Communist world view that is our guidance. Thanks to it we Communists and anybody that with us adopts, assimilates and uses it, have a more advanced grasp of conditions, forms and results of the struggle which opposes imperialist bourgeoisie with popular masses, a struggle that increasingly becomes also the humankind’s struggle to survive capitalism’s ruin and to gain by the advances attained in the scope of capitalism: so it is a struggle which popular masses sooner or later have by necessity to come to.

Communist world view’s antagonists plead as a proof of their theses the difficulties they have experienced the first socialist countries we Communists had established in world imperialist system’s periphery in the early part of last century, during proletarian revolution’s first wave. They plead against communist world view the fact that most of them have broken down or have changed sides. As a matter of fact, the main objection to communist world view, to the objectives it points out and to the struggle methods it teaches, does not lie in the fate of first socialist countries established in world imperialist system’s periphery. The main objection to communist world view lies in the fact that during capitalism’s first general crisis, in last century, we communists haven’t established socialism in any imperialist country. By the same token the proof of its truth, yet, resides in the fact that it and it alone has enabled us Communists to derive from the experience of the defeat we have suffered in this struggle, the teachings to raise our doctrine to a higher level: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is communist world view’s third higher stage, after Marxism and Marxism-Leninism.

Today the humankind, with world imperialist system, is forced to face up, to a higher level, to the same obstacles it had had to face up to one century ago. It is no accident that the intellectuals who have refused and refuse communist world view, even if critical of the course of things brought about by capitalism’s crisis, seek refuge in “weak thought”, in agnosticism, in doubt, in the negation of a struggle and victory’s path. The experience of the struggle we Communists have been at the head of one century ago, has provided only us Communists, i.e. who has intelligently and with passion studied it in the light of communist world view, with the solution to present problems, clearly showing the errors which have prevented, at the time, our victory: the establishment of socialism in imperialist countries.

It is thanks to those teachings that they who assimilate and use communist world view not only adhere to ongoing struggles, but are able to be the most resolute fighters and promoters of the struggles which popular masses of our country are now carrying out. This is for each of us Communists the proof of how much we have assimilated and how well we apply in practice communist world view.