Google translation to English:
In celebration of the 50th anniversary of the glorious armed peasant revolutionary uprising in Naxalbari, which took place in the Darjeeling district of Bengal, which forever changed the history of India, peasants across vthe country are rising up again in search of a solution to your serious problems. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) has appealed to all the revolutionary and democratic forces of the country to manifest themselves in support of the peasant movement and join the organization of the powerful storm of unitary struggle at the level national of all oppressed sectors against the government in the service of the Hindu oligarchy and imperialism led by Modi, with the slogans:
The land for the one who works it!
All the power for the people!
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MAOIST)
June 16, 2017
LIVE THE GROWING WAVE OF PEASANT AGITATION IN THE COUNTRY! WE DEMAND ALL OUR SUPPORT TO THE PEASANTS OF THE COUNTRY IN FIGHT FOR THEIR JUST APPLICATIONS! WE FORCE A SOLID UNIT OF ALL POPULAR MOVEMENTS WITH THE CURRENT PEASANT MOVEMENT! ONLY THE REVOLUTION ARMADA CAMPESINA CAN RESOLVE ENTIRELY pressing PROBLEMS L Redneck ADO! The road Naxalbari IS LEADING TO RELEASE L OS peasants OS INDIO S! WE SPREAD WITH HEARING TO THE NOTES OF THE EARTH FOR THE WORKER AND ALL THE POWER FOR THE PEOPLE!
In celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the glorious armed peasant revolutionary uprising in Naxalbari, which took place in the Darjeeling district of Bengal, which forever changed the history of the country, the peasants are once again rising up in search of a solution to their serious problems. Since they broke out in Maharashtra on June 1, peasant protests have spread to different areas of Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. In the course of these protests, six peasants have been killed by the indiscriminate firing of the police. The central and state governments are resorting massively to other repressive measures such as the imposition of the curfew, the prohibition orders, the mass arrests, the use of tear gas and police charges, the imputation in police and judicial assemblies, the closure of internet pages, etc., and all with the intention of dissipating the storm in the bud that represents this latest wave of protests by the peasant movement. Before, the demonstrations of the peasants of the Punjab, Tamil Nadu and other states had fallen on deaf ears. The Attempts by the various governments to silence the voice of the peasants through brute force and the announcement of deceptive measures will prove futile when it comes to tackling the most pressing problems of the country's peasantry. The Central Committee of our Party condemns in the strongest terms the murder on June 6 of six peasants by the police of Madhya Pradesh in the district of Mandsaur, as well as the other forms of fascist repression used against the demonstrators. time that demands the punishment of the civil servants and of the responsible police, as well as of the vigilante gangs of the Sangh Parivar [" Family of organizations" in Hindi, which groups together Hindu nationalism ]. Our Party extends its unconditional support to the just struggle of the peasants of various parts of the country and demands that the central and state governments fulfill all their demands without delay. We urge all classes and popular sectors to strengthen this movement, either by participating directly in it, or by showing its solidarity.
It is no secret that, in addition to Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, the peasants of states such as Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Bihar, Orissa, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, etc., are also in a very hurried situation. The landless and poor peasants, who constitute the vast majority of the peasantry, not only suffer from the scarcity of land, but are forced to carry on their backs the unbearable burden of semi-feudal exploitation and oppression. To this we must add the stifling noose of the pro-imperialist policies of the successive central and state governments, regardless of the party that occupies power, which has made their situation even more precarious. And not only the poor peasants, but even the middle and rich peasants have difficulty participating, remaining and surviving in a market economy controlled by some large multinational corporations and their national cohorts, closely linked to the world imperialist market. A great majority of them are forced to reduce their consumption to the most indispensable and to fight against absolute ruin.
However, the exploitation and oppression of the Indian peasant masses to serve the needs of imperialism and its national supporters is nothing new. Since the country was subjected to the yoke of colonialism, the peasants have gone through the terrible experience of the destruction of their economy, impoverishment, narrowness, hunger and death. It is they who have borne the brunt of colonialism and its local cronies-the big landowners and the big comprador capitalists-for more than two centuries. To get rid of the chains of submission, the peasantry also rose, wielding the strength of their arms and traditional weapons, in a series of peasant rebellions. They were the main force in the war of independence of 1857. However, they were increasingly crushed with extreme brutality. They fought in a combative spirit during the anti-colonial struggle with the aspiration for a better life, but the leadership of the Congress Party betrayed them. They fought in the armed struggle in Telangana, in Punnapra-Vayalar and during the Tebhaga movement, but, again, they were betrayed, this time by the leadership of the PCI reformer. The so-called "independence" and the subsequent, and supposed, reforms of land or agrarian policies of the ruling classes did not take into account the needs of the broad peasant masses. All the parliamentary parties that have come to the central power or in the states, from the Nehru Congress Party to the current Modi government, have made great promises to the peasants but have betrayed them after coming to power. The reformist social movements led by people like Vinoba Bhabe, Jaiprakash Narayan, Ram Manohar Lohia, etc., have also proved to be an absolute fiasco as a solution to the problems of the peasantry.
So the living conditions of the peasantry, which gave rise to Naxalbari fifty years ago, have basically not changed. Moreover, in fact they have worsened due to the redoubled domination of imperialism over Indian economy, politics and society. From the decade of the 90s, especially when the Indian rulers, by capitulating to the dictates of the World Bank, the IMF and the WTO, began to open all sectors of the economy to an unbridled imperialist exploitation, the crisis of the The vast majority of Indian peasants became more acute. The negative effects of the Green Revolution, launched to counteract the red revolution, also began to be felt more strongly at that time, even in the relatively more advanced agriculture regions. The lack of land, on the one hand, and, on the other, the crisis of the poor, middle and rich peasants' economies as a result of the government's pro-imperialist policies, contributed to the wave of peasant suicides initiated in the regions with crops. Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra trade in the 1990s. Such a situation has not only continued but has spread to all corners of the country over the past two decades, which shows the seriousness of the agrarian crisis.
The problem of monopolistic control of agricultural lands by large feudal landowners, large corporations and the State, as well as the power of loan sharks and moneylenders, has been accentuated by the growing monopoly dominance of the rural market by large foreign corporations and nationals, who sell seeds, fertilizers and other inputs, and buy agricultural products. There have been protests and sporadic movements of peasants in different parts of the country against this situation, particularly in those regions where agricultural production is more closely linked to the market. In turn, struggles against displacement, intimately linked to the issue of land, have intensified over the past two decades as peasants faced attempts by the government and private companies to purchase the land. strength agricultural and forestry lands. From the peasants of the valley of Narmada, in Gujarat, to those of Kalinganagar and Niyamgiri, in Odisha; From those of Singur, Nandigram and Lalgarh, in Bengal, to those of Surjagarh, in Maharashtra, all over the country the peasantry is fighting with a combative spirit against the government under the slogan "We will give life, but not the land" in defense of his Jal-jangal-zameen-izzat-adhikar ["Land, water, forests, respect and rights", in Hindi] and to force him to withdraw many industrial projects and infrastructure contrary to the interests of the peasants. As in Jharkhand, the peasants have been fighting in Maharashtra and other states in defense of the provisions of the CNTA ["Chhotanagapur Tenancy Act"] and the SPTA ["Santhal Paragana Tenancy Act"] or the application of constitutional provisions such as the SPFS ["Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas Act"] or the Fifth and Sixth Programs. In Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, the peasants fight against destructive projects such as the Polavaram dam, while in the Western Ghats of Kerala they oppose the planned displacements under the pretext of creating "Biosphere Reserves", etc. In Chhattisgarh and other states, they struggle to increase the guaranteed minimum prices and the remunerative prices of forest products. This is how the conditions for a peasant movement throughout the country have been maturing.
The current wave of protests began on June 1 with the indefinite strike of the Maharashtra peasants in demand of the cancellation of their bank loans, following the steps of a similar decision adopted by the government of Uttar Pradesh. The peasants also claim a whole series of historical demands such as remunerative prices for their products, interest-free loans, free or subsidized inputs such as water, electricity, fertilizers, etc., application of the recommendations of the Swaminathan Commission (which Modi promised before the last parliamentary elections, a promise, however, of which his government has failed, alleging in a recent affidavit before the Supreme Court, which is inapplicable), etc. Since the beginning of the movement, the farmers of Maharashtra have refused to sell their products, have closed supply centers and agricultural markets, blocked roads, thrown out products such as milk and vegetables in protest and organized militant demonstrations. It is the first strike convened by the peasants for a long time in the state of Maharashtra and even in the country. Although some of the leaders decided to call off the strike after having talks with the Maharashtra BJP government, another sector remained firm in its initial decision. The movement quickly spread to Gujarat, Rajasthan and other parts of Maharashtra with similar claims. The assurances given by the Modi government or the state governments, the political theater of characters like the prime minister of Madhya Pradesh , Shivraj Singh Chauhan, declaring an indefinite hunger strike and crying crocodile tears for the peasants, have not given full satisfaction to the protesters. It is unlikely that the current movement, which is the broadest since the implementation of the policies of liberalization-privatization-globalization in the country a quarter of a century ago, is completely appeased as long as the root causes of peasant discontent are not resolved.
It is true that unlike Naxalbari, the current peasant movement lacks a proletarian leadership, a unified organization, a revolutionary program or a strategy and correct tactics to carry out such a program. That is why the movement inevitably suffers from an intermittent and fragmentary character, limited to partial or economic demands and limited to the forms of struggle posed by its current direction. However, the severity of the agricultural crisis, which affects more than two thirds of the country's population, which subsists on agriculture, makes the current peasant movement an event of enormous political significance. No one who cares about the future of the country and desires its liberation from the yoke of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic comprador capitalism can ignore this movement of the broad masses of peasants in rural areas.They are fighting to be heard and the rulers are wrong if they think they can silence their voices with bullets or by handing out crumbs.
History has shown again and again that in an agricultural country, the peasantry is able to confront and overthrow any power contrary to their interests, if it has the right direction and the right strategy.Their life experience and the failure of peaceful protests show the peasants that there can be no permanent solution to their problems within the limits of the current system. Only through the path of the peasant revolutionary armed struggle that Naxalbari cleared in order to bring the national and democratic revolution to a close can the country's peasantry bring down the three mountains of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic comprador capitalism, as well as solve their basic problems. Therefore, while fighting for its immediate economic demands, the peasantry must try by all means to coordinate and integrate its movement with the ongoing Prolonged People's War, based on the alliance of workers and peasants and the unity of the four classes oppressed (workers, peasants and middle and small urban bourgeoisie).
In the same way, the unity of the peasant movement with the movements that are currently developing of all oppressed classes and social sectors-laborers, middle classes, small and medium entrepreneurs and merchants, self-employed, unemployed, Dalits, Adivasis, religious minorities, oppressed nationalities , women, students and professors, intellectuals, artists, lawyers, journalists and other workers - is what is needed at this time. This unity is necessary to wage a successful struggle against the rulers of the country and its most pernicious political representative, the national-brahmanico-fascist BJP governments. The Central Committee of our Party, once again, offers its full support to the struggling peasants and demands that the central and state governments comply with all their demands, renounce the collection of all agricultural loans and implement the recommendations of the Swaminathan Commission. without forther delay. We call on all the revolutionary and democratic forces of the country to manifest themselves in support of the peasant movement and join the organization of the powerful storm of unitary struggle at the national level of all the oppressed sectors against the government of the NDA by Modi.