ON CPC BIRTH CENTENARY SALUTE PATH OF LIBERATION PURSUED TILL 1976 UPHOLDING SOCIALIST PATH AND EXPOSE HOW PRESENTLY CPC IS ONLY CAMOUFLAGING AS A SOCIALIST STATE AND BETRAYING CHAIRMAN MAO—

By Harsh Thakor

On July 1st the Communist Party of China turns 100.Without doubt its formation was one of the greatest turning points in the history of mankind. It shaped the political course of China being a precedent to many a historic event, be it the Long March of 1935, the anti-Japanese War from 1937-45, the civil war of 1946-1949, the New Democratic revolution of 1949, the Socialist Revolution from 1949-56 the Great Leap Forward, the Socialist Education Movement of 1962, and finally the Great Proletarian Cultural revolution of 1966-76. All these events enriched the ideology of Marxism Leninism to a pinnacle with symmetry and continuity and unprecedented penetration of practice of mass line and It is a great travesty that at the very time of celebration the CPC has completely betrayed the path it undertook from the 1930’s itself to morally make it an anti-thesis of Marxism-Leninism. With the very induction of the four modernisations by Deng Xiaoping the very backbone of Socialism was destroyed in China and seeds planted for capitalism to bloom.

China from 1949-76 took social equality or revolutionary democracy to unprecedented realms, surpassing every third world country in literacy, health, agricultural and industrial production. I recommend readers to refer to the books of Edgar Snow, William Hinton, Joan Robinson, Felix Greene, Maria Antonietta Macciocchi , Rewi Alley, Charles Bettelheim etc. who visited the very heart of China to discover the magical strides and expose the lies and pretensions of the Western media. It is hard to describe the intensity of how the hearts of people reverberated at the very core, after reading about the realities of China. Never in the history of the world was a set up constructed with factories created just besides farms and schools. Experiments in the field of medicine traversed unparalleled regions. Manual and mental labour was integrated as never before. Technicians were sent to work in factories, intellectuals to toil in the fields, students made to learn from the peasants. All commodities were more affordable than in any third world country before, unemployment unheard of, and price rise controlled as nowhere else. No army in the world was more democratic or ethical, exchanging roles of the workers and peasantry and aiding them in labour as the Peoples Liberation Army. The workers controlled and revolutionized production decisions and methods in factories to an extent no country ever did. Through revolutionary committees peasants exercised rights as nowhere else. Forms of mass movements were innovated and undertaken to enable the masses to exercise their rights unparalleled in history, with the big character posters a concrete example.

Revolutionary democratic power reached unprecedented heights through the democratic methods of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, surpassing the democratic levels of the earlier three antis campaign and five antis campaign. Path breaking experiments were made by the CPC penetrating regions untouched before. Inventiveness or creative energy of the workers and peasants in production methods and movements touched mythical heights. Emphasis was placed on creating an inner change in people or transforming thought process through re-moulding, instead of coercion.

For the first time in history of man were ranks abolished in the army. In the pre -revolutionary period the CPC reminded you of a womb in a mother's stomach. in the manner it weaved its path. The CPC evolved in the most endangered path or precarious situations, when confronted with the overwhelming power of Chiang Kai Shek on one hand and Japan on the other. The 365 day and 6000 mile Long March[1] was an achievement in the magnitude of a pinnacle reached. The manner the march was executed from Kiangsi to Yenan by initially a small bunch of cadres to turn into a mighty army, braving every possible hazard or obstacle is unprecedented in history of man.

It is a must for every cadre to study Chairman Mao Zedong's revolt against the Stalinist urban putchist line of Wang Ming and Li Li San and advocated line of agrarian revolution which was rural based. What was relevant was within the very Communist party itself he challenged the line of urban based insurrection, which emerged victorious in the Tsunyi conference of 1935.

Chairman Mao made many a path breaking contribution to Leninism whether in philosophy or in practice. V.I. Lenin’s writings on dialectical materialism and democracy were developed even further and Mao was the pioneer of the first military theory ever for a third world country. It is notable that write from the 1920’s to the 1960’s Chairman Mao held a position of a minority within the Chinese Communist Party when waging his struggle for mass Line. This is apparent in the early 1930’s, 1956 or even 1966.

The practice of the CPC before 1949 also elevated democratic practice within a Communist party to an unequalled magnitude. William Hinton’s experience in Long Bow Village in book ‘Fanshen’ in 1937 itself is a must read. So is Edgar Snows China which most illustratively recounts how the CPC established genuine democratic institutions through building base areas in Hunan, Shanghai or Kiangsi and portrays how the red army was built and based in the very heart of the people. It narrates how land distribution was undertaken by the red army applying the mass line. It is most intriguing how the CPC adapted Leninism in respect to the very condition s prevailing, understating the very idioms of the masses. It is a revelation reading about how the Communists established genuine democracy in base areas with the peasants controlling production after confiscation of land from warlords and schools built for villager’s children.

I suggest everyone read Edgar Snows’ account of the ‘Long March’ in China which vividly illustrates how the CPC turned a spark into a Prairie fire. The construction and functioning of the Tachai brigade formed in 1963, took revolutionary power of the peasants to heights unexplored or unprecedented in history of mankind. Two major conferences were launched there in 1975 and 1976. Similarly the student capture of Tsinghua University in 1968 was another path -breaking experiment as well as the workers capturing the Municipal headquarters in Shanghai in 1967.

China exhibited no degree of nation Chauvinism from 1949-76, supporting every national liberation movement and challenging the hegemony of both superpowers, America and Russia. It never intervened or imposed itself on the foreign policies of other countries, not even Communist parties. It is fascinating that CPC even opposed the formation of a Communist International in the 1960's. Most unfairly China was blamed for the 1962 war when the fault lay with India, itself who cut across the Macmohan line. China played a major role in Vietnam's triumph over America. Its behaviour with North Korea in 1954 in the war was an exemplary example of its foreign policy exhibiting no nation chauvinist tendencies. I deeply admire that CPC gave no big brotherly treatment to the Indian C.P.I. (M.L) and in fact advised it not to imitate the Chinese path.

Apart from Chairman Mao and Premier Zhou En Lai the most notable contribution from 1949-76 was made by Chang Chun Chiao who was the biggest crusader in challenging the revisionist line, as well as Chiang Ching who revolutionised art to give it a proletarian form, at a degree never paralleled. They both comprised the ‘Gang of four’ with Wang Hongwen and Yao Wenyuan. Lin Biao made a historic contribution at one juncture as a military commander in the 1940’s, when abolishing ranks and revolutionising the Peoples Liberation Army in 1962 and enforcing the Socialist Education Movement but after 1969 made a 360 degree turn to give a blow to the Socialist Road.

Irrespective of its great achievements, there is no doubt the Chinese Communist party displayed considerable flaws and made serious mistakes. Where CPC erred was in my view was in not condemning assassination of Salvador Allende by America in Chile, becoming a part of the United Nations in 1971, placing more emphasis on confronting Soviet Social Imperialism than US imperialism, dismantling revolutionary Committees after 1969, delaying the Socialists transformation and Great debate, converting the Shanghai Commune into revolutionary Committees and in assessing 2-line struggle within a Communist party to be sufficient for the victory of revolutionary democracy.

I must admit that left sectarian tendencies were predominant during the Cultural Revolution as well as excessive power awarded to the military. Most regrettable excesses were committed on intellectuals, writers and artists and arguably even the revisionists were meted out too harsh treatment. The Red Guard depredations too abused human rights. There was deep penetration of rightist commanders in the People's Liberation Army and insufficient practice of the masses checking the party. William Hinton brought to our notice how the ‘Gang of Four’ failed to properly establish the united front by winning over the middle sections, and thus properly applying mass line.

In my view the Maoists’ or CPC failed to give sufficient respect to the inner or spiritual aspect of man or human psychology. It did not sufficiently build institutions of revolutionary democracy independent of the Communist party. It solely depended on struggle within the framework of a Communist party itself, instead of completely broadening base of democracy. Mass movements were not launched independent of the Communist party, rising to factional tendencies resembling tussle of many characters in a plot.

It is most challenging for Marxist historians to critically study the phenomena of the rise of Lin Biao in the late 1960’s to position of head of state, or earlier Liu Shao Chi in 1956. Similarly the rally of the Chinese people in a counter revolutionary rally in 1976 supporting Hua Kuofeng and condemning the Gang of four testifies the weakness in practice of mass line. To completely develop proletarian revolutionary power movements and organisations should be created outside the orbit of the Communist Party.

No doubt Comrade Zhou En Lai made a monumental contribution but made a major error in re-instating Deng into the Communist party. I also feel CPC from 1949-56 did not adequately sharpen the sword against capitalism or revisionism allowing revisionists like Liu Shao Chi to blossom. In the Great Leap Forward it displayed most hap hazard planning. Unintentionally Confucian thinking affected the political work of leaders and cadres. Intervention of the People’s Liberation army was excessive in preventing mass movements to blossom to the full. There is a tendency for intellectuals to solely blame Lin Biao or make him a scapegoat without being properly self-critical of the overall political conduct of the CPC. On the other hand certain Maoist unfairly tag Premier Zhou En Lai as a capitalist roader, giving him no credit for being Chairman Mao’s comrade in arm still the very end. Arguably the CPC also was unable to sufficiently mobilise the working class or penetrate the proletarian headquarters. I am also critical of the CPC calling itself ‘The great, glorious nod Correct Communist Party.’ which illustrates idealist point of view or non –dialectical approach.

It is debatable whether one can analyze CPC in Mao’s time as a protagonist of Stalinism. In important ways it did continue Joseph Stalin’s legacy but on crucial issues extricated from it. CPC lacked the methodology or planning of Union of the Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR) under Stalin and failed to completely overpower the capitalist roaders within the party. However till 1976 it consistently initiated 2 line struggles against revisionism and maintained the legacy of the party as a vanguard. Unlike Stalin it did not execute enemies or opposition in purges but galvanised masses into struggles to challenge capitalist roaders through movements like the Cultural Revolution. Mao extricated from Stalin’s bureaucratic practices. Still in my opinion CPC under Mao exhibited vanguardist Stalinist tendencies that did not enable mass revolutionary movements to flower at their full bloom or facilitate the masses to supervise the party. CPC under Mao did not completely fulfil the democratic aspirations or visions of Karl Marx or even Lenin, which was testified in the factional tendencies. I am a strong adherent that Chairman Mao did not foster a personality cult and took every possible step to eradicate it.

Still we must be sympathetic to the fact that the CPC was implementing the first ever revolution of its kind. whereby a struggle was waged in a Socialist Society itself. The old thinking process of Confucian tradition was strongly embedded in the Chinese Culture and it was very challenging to completely extricate from it. The Sino-Soviet conflict too considerably affected the CPC political line and mass movement, diverting attention to border disputes with USSR.

Sadly after 1978 China reverted its policies and followed a path in a directly opposite direction to that of 1949-76. It made phenomenal achievements in production, but to serve the ruling classes or create billionaires. It is ironic that today many Communist party members in China have become millionaires and corruption has reached a scale on par with countries like even India. Latin American countries of African nations. Workers are subjugated to misery in sweat shops and denied adequate wages. After 1978 China made a 360 degree turn from its Socialist path, reverting its earlier Socialist path completely. It dismantled all the communes, re- introduced ranks in the armies, introduced Special economic zones, privatised health and education and at an international level abandoned all support to national liberation Struggles. Today China is a major imperialist country which is a contender for world hegemony over markets and pursues expansionist military policies. It has exhibited considerable nation chauvinism in recent years. Morally a free market economy has been instated. All cadres must meticulously study the priority leaders like Liu Shao Chi, Lin Biao and later Deng placed on development of productive forces. They all advocated ‘It does not matter whether the cat is white or black as long as it catches the mice.’ Deng raised the slogan ‘It is glorious to get rich.’

It is notable today that the present CPC smashed every brick in the wall to suppress the Maoist resurgence in China. It has suppressed or censored many a writing of the Cultural Revolution period. Its persecution of the supporters of Mao in 1981 was like a fascist sentence, Workers strikes have been brutally suppressed in recent times. Consumerism has virtually reached a crescendo. Still in China large volumes of sympathy are still demonstrated for Mao's policies.

We have to counter those who praise China after 1978. Such intellectuals state that it has introduced Socialism in another form, but is in essence Marxist. They fail to understand how China to the last drop exploits other third world countries, literally tightening a noose around them. China displayed territorial expansionist policy in Philippines recently. The only plus point is their confronting the hegemony Of USA, supporting Hugo Chavez in Venezuela and condemning Israeli aggression also praise their sporting achievements which is a direct consequence of the Socialist sports policy which gave opportunities to all. To an extent I also praise its planning and organisation in handling the Covid crisis.

I am curious how Socialism can be resurrected in China in the future with the forces of globalisation operating at a crescendo. Younger cadres must learn from the lessons of the New Democratic, Socialist and Cultural Revolutions but not blindly imitate them. In the digital age or one of mechanisation different methods of work may have to be devised. I feel the vanguard concept of Communist Party cannot be mechanically applied. Genuine Maoists may even work within the framework of the existing mass organisations in China to expose the essence of revisionism. Still it is complex how Communists can build a revolutionary movement in a one-party, revisionist or social –imperialist state. New revolutionary elements could also emerge within the People’s Liberation army. Chinese people have an advantage of being indoctrinated with Marxism-Leninism or complete exposure to the writings of Marx and Lenin. Young cadres today may well be inspired by the achievements of CPC before 1976. It is through mastery of the essence of Marxism-Leninism that the revisionist CPC could cut by the throat the genuine socialist revolutionaries and disguise or mask themselves as socialists. Marxist analysts must probe into why a serious Revolutionary movement has not arisen in China today challenging the oppression of the bourgeois state. A new Socialist Society in China would have to integrate considerable degree of mechanization, even if applying Mao’s directives.

I recommend all to read ‘Edgar Snow’s China’, William Hinton’s ‘Fanshen’, ‘Long Road to Revolution’ by Edgar Snow, ‘Red Star Over China’ by Edgar Snow ‘The Wall has two sides’ by Felix Greene’ ‘Daily life in Revolutionary China’ by Maria Antonietta Macciocchi, ‘Travels in China by by Rewi Alley ,’Cultural Revolution and Industrial Organisation in China “ by Charles Bettelheim , Deng Yuan Tsu and Pao Yu –Ching’s ‘Rethinking Sociali sm’ and articles by Moba Gao on “Why Is the Battle for China’s Past Relevant to Us Today? ”and Dang Hongpin on “The Socialist Legacy Underlies the Rise of Today’s China in the World.”The most illustrative or pictorial perspective is by Edgar Snow with the least of propaganda and the most open or objective analysis. For sheer economic study Charles Bettleheim’s work is a masterpiece portraying the very essence of Mao’s line in establishing peoples political power. To portray the phenomenal achievements of China in Socialist era ‘Daily life in Revolutionary China’ by Maria Antonietta Macciocchi is a classic. Moba Gao and Dang Hongpin are much more recent intellectuals who make an ideal contrast between China of today and the China before 1978. William Hinton in ‘Fanshen’ exhibits the greatest political mastery. ‘Deng Yuan Hsu and Pao Yu Ching’s ‘Rethinking Socialism’ is a true classic in defending Marxist Leninist polemics and dialectically making a distinction between the Socialist and capitalist path in China. She brilliantly portrays the vey continuity and symmetry of all the periods. Of CPC and how post-1978 Deng completely re-railed Socialist path.

I must state that many of these writers were originally bourgeois democrats and only after encountering the thick of the skin of China did their views transform. Raymond Lotta’s 6 part serial of articles in ‘Socialism is Much Better Than Capitalism and Communism Will Be a Far Better World.’ It is also a most illustrative project revealing the truth on China.

I also advise readers to refer to the massline.info blog of Scott Harrison and the Democracy and class Struggle blog of Nick Glais. Both have rendered an invaluable service to the mass line of CPC.

ACHIEVEMENTS OF CPC IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION

1. A de-centralized medical system creating Barefoot doctors. Medical field saw most innovative changes. Services which were unheard of even in developed countries were implemented. Before this, in no Asian, African, Latin American country medical services were made available for the poor peasantry and other sections to such an extent.

2. Stopping examinations in schools and colleges and making students learn from the peasants and workers as well as by participating in productive labour. Now it was the peasants and workers who taught the students. Factories were attached to schools so that students would learn science from production. In the villages students would learn about agriculture and peasants would explain them their problems and about production.

3. Enabling workers to be masters of Marxist Leninist philosophy through study in factory schools which enabled workers to build their own machines and run their own factories.

4. Revolutionary committees were launched where the workers’ and peasants’ democratic rights were represented. There were ‘three in one’ committees. These were far more effective than the committees in factories under bourgeois democratic system.

5. The Army was called upon to serve the people doing work like construction, building canals and rotated the jobs of Workers and peasants. They were politically enlightened and trained about the role of revolution and history and politics in connection to Marxism Leninism. The Army was asked to defend and protect the mass movements unlike bourgeois states. Ranks were abolished in the military.

6. Revolutionizing the Agricultural Communes through mass movements and introducing piecemeal wage system. Tachai was the best Example as well as Shanghai.

7. There were mass rallies where the broad masses could print big character posters. The CPC was not afraid of disorder breaking out due to people’s movements. “Great Debates’ and anti-Rightist campaigns were held. The masses could voice their demands to punish corrupt officials, oppose bureaucraticism, fight for press freedom and for democratic Rights. They had the four great ‘freedoms ‘of speaking out Freely, airing views folly, holding great debates, and writing big character posters.

8. The Army was asked to represent the heart and the soul of the broad masses, they being based from the basic classes. Once the Cultural Revolution started in earnest, the Army was not allowed to intervene in what emerged as a civil war between the various factions of Red Guards and Red Rebels. The PLA was ordered by Mao to “support the left” by standing aside, even when their arsenals were looted by the civilian combatants.

But when the chaos were claimed to have reached its climax, when the Party was in disarray and the economy faced challenges, the Army appeared to be the only functioning organization left, and the leaders turned to the PLA to restore order. As a result, the PLA emerged from the chaos with greatly increased position and power: senior Army men headed the newly-formed revolutionary committees responsible for local administration; so almost half of the Central Committee members elected in the Ninth Congress of 1969 were soldiers; and half of the State Council members in 1971 belonged to the PLA. The Army had to participate in the production in factories and help the peasants in production. They were involved in digging the countryside, transporting grain and all kinds of furniture on carts, leading Children in drills in schools etc.

9. Great innovations in the field of art and literature representing the Proletariat also took place.

To be continued=>

[1] I have written about The Longest March and other achievements of the Chinese Communist Party in past articles (—Steve Otto). I have also made notes of the established Western writers who have tried to trivialize many of these events. The Longest March is one event that is hard to deny or trivialize. Many party members died due to the cold and other horrible conditions that made that march almost unbearable. And for many party members it was unbearable and they died. In an effort to trivialize this event some Western writhers have tried to say that all those deaths were due to party infighting and purges. For many Chinese citizens this is a real insult. It disrespects the difficulty those who survived this march. And it is outright absurd to try and claim that the CPC never suffered any real hardships and denied the conditions that caused all those deaths. In its attempt to discredit all that has to do with the history of the CPC they have reached a point where only the most gullible readers can believe what they say. (—Otto) See: