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Friday, June 29, 2012

Analysis on Nepal events from the Communist Party of Turkey/ML

The following is an analysis from the TKP/ML (Communist Party of Turkey/ML). It was posted in the MAOIST_REVOLUTION ( by the blog: Frontlines of Revolutionary Struggle;


Following the death of Comrade Mao Zedong, similar to the process that took place after the death of Comrade Stalin, modern revisionism seized the party and the state power, and caused serious damages to the world revolutionary front. Having suffered heavy blows in the hands of modern revisionism, the International Communist Movement (ICM), despite having benefited from a series of class war and struggle practices, including the one waged in Turkey, has not been able to stand against the ideological offensives of imperialism, which gained considerable momentum especially during the 1990s.

In the circumstances where resistance was not organized strongly enough, communist forces sustained severe injuries throughout the process. While some of them sank in their capsized ships, yet some were swept to the opposite shores. Only the few “lucky” survived, considering the survival a major success in the given circumstances. There were several exceptional development by those who came up with accurate analyses and correct policies to advance the people’s war. Even these, however, found it impossible to advance without getting caught by the storm.

The most important defeat in people’s war experiences in recent history was suffered by Gonzalo led Communist Party of Peru (CPP). Despite having shown serious advances in revolution, the CPP failed to carry its success through the final stage. Those who explain the defeat in practical and tactical matters, which led to a severe blow in the leadership, or even in political approaches, are missing the chance to see the reality. Assessments regarding the revolution and people’s war that were revealed by the leadership under the conditions of captivity point out to a drift away from the fundamental philosophical principles of MLM science.

The same situation appears to be present in the process of Nepalese revolution as well. What is even more concerning is the fact that similar dangers are reproduced in the cases of certain components of the ICM, which inevitably leads to serious negative consequences in terms of absorbing and practicing Marxist ideology. As an action guideline, the Marxist ideology must first be correctly understood as a philosophy; as a reasoning method. Based on this comprehension, it can be applied for the analysis of class struggle and transferred to political arena.

Truth must be derived from the facts but in order to achieve this one needs appropriate methods and know-hows. The materialist character of dialectic is shaped according to the correct conception of economic, social and political laws. Marxism is not a heap of dogmas but rather a science that breaks down the codes of today’s system; it contains a set of thesis and diagnoses that are proven to be correct and valid. Thanks to its ageless essence, its power to explain the transformation, and its structure that is open to further development, its light hasn’t dimmed; its mission as a guide is still on.

As is known, prior to the peace process that began about 6 years ago in Nepal, 80 percent of the land was practically under the control of the revolutionary forces, the enemy had suffered a major defeat, and Kathmandu, the capital city, was under a heavy siege. At a stage when the final strike was to be delivered, counter-revolution’s calls to peace were responded positively, making note of the absence of a sufficient accumulation in the city, of the possibility of intervention by the imperialist and expansionist powers (Indian state), and of the alternative route of completing the new democratic revolution through the power that was to be gained via elections process in the parliament.

In this way, explicitly mentioning an absolute result, a decisive victory was avoided. There were mentions of popular revolts as the determining force. However, from the beginning it was clear as to what course was chosen and that there was really no going back once on this track. In fact, comments and arguments that were put forth at the very beginning of the process had clear signs regarding what followed. Baburam’s “democratic republic” formulation was indeed articulating a version of Khrushchev’s infamous formulation of “peaceful transition.” There is no doubt now that this formulation became the prevailing perspective and that it describes the current strategy.

Before dealing with the impaired approach toward fundamental truths / concepts, it is necessary here to have a little discussion about matters regarding the balance of power. Issues in understanding the power of the masses, likewise analyses on the role and the status of imperialists and reactionary classes exhibit typical class-bound misconceptions. In this regard, discussion about the difficulty or even the impossibility of achieving revolution in one country is not new. The argument that is built on the “great” influence and dominance of imperialists, with cases of intervention given as examples, is brought to a level where it is argued that in a single country socialism cannot survive. The argument bears a content that opposes proletarian revolutions. This is reformism, the building blocks of which are class collaboration, willingness to give in to one’s fate, and a philosophy of improvement. The journey that begins with the disbelief that revolution in a single country is impossible ends up at believing in the impossibility of revolutions all together and subsequently in the futility of revolution.

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