Catalonia - Some notes and instruments for a revolutionary and
class position, to guide international action and solidarity. -PCm Italy.
order to correctly contextualise the question of Catalonia, we can not see in
any way only the aspirations of a large part of the Catalan masses for
independence or the peculiar characteristics that can make Catalonia a nation.
however necessary, would not explain why here and now this contradiction has
reached a fundamental point, because it has worsened until the Spanish State is
put in the dilemma between a new Franco dictatorship in Catalonia with a kind
of military occupation, or national independence led by a fraction of the
Catalan national bourgeoisie and the middle bourgeoisie.
and Engels taught us that we must go beyond this, we have to identify the link
between the development of the bourgeoisie in Spain and Catalonia and the
economic and social conditions that are the foundation of the current acute
it is impossible to adequately frame the problem without considering the
economic and global crisis, the inter-imperialist contradictions and the role
of the Spanish State, within the scenario of a Europe under the German
leadership, apart from other factors.
first point that must be taken into account is that the aspiration to establish
oneself as a nation and affirm the factor of the nation is first and foremost a
necessity of the bourgeoisie, particularly in situations within the imperialist
countries. It is the bourgeoisie that strives to develop economically,
obstacles and barriers progressively, and demands a territorial unity to bind
the working masses and the progressive movement in their car.
the case of Catalonia, the problem is not the feudal waste, but the government
of the Spanish State contains in itself a "feudal" fraction, that is,
the monarchy and the post-Francoism, which, although it is not feudalism in the
strict sense, it plays a role of obstacle and brake for the development of the
element, which is always common in national affairs and in Spain in particular,
is the weight of the organization of the Church, which in Spain is the Vatican,
the Roman Curia which, as it had firmly united with Franco, now firmly takes
party by the Spanish monarchy and the Spanish State, and therefore interacts,
feeds the aspiration of independence of Catalonia.
necessary element for the analysis of the contradiction in Catalonia is, as
Marx and Engels taught us, the profound study of the link between the national
problem and the development of the workers' movement.
our point of reference can only be that of France in 1848; that is, in
Catalonia we do not see an imperialist domination over an oppressed people of
the third world, but a situation in which Catalonia is a capitalist country,
not completed in terms of an existing autonomous nation. The necessary
entry of the working class into this dispute requires that it appear in the
field as an autonomous force in struggle for political power.
need for the proletariat to enter the field of the current struggle in
Catalonia is within a precise definition and a concrete limitation, based on
what Marx and Engels stated in the Manifesto: "The workers have no homeland. We can not take away what they do not have. As the proletariat must first acquire political supremacy, it must
rise to be the ruling class of the nation, it must become a nation, until it
reaches as far as to become itself national, although not in the bourgeois
sense of the word. "
it is evident that the proletariat in Catalonia is interested in a Catalan
nation as a terrain for the seizure of political power; and in this sense,
even in the current clash, his way of being in favor of the independence of
Catalonia is radically different from that of the bourgeoisie.
in Catalonia, the proletariat must be aware that a Catalonia in the hands of
the bourgeoisie is not its country, it would be the homeland of the bourgeoisie
and the strata of the petty and middle bourgeoisie allied, and therefore also
in such Catalonia, as well In this struggle for independence, the working class
must lead its struggle on the union and economic fronts, as on all fronts, to
overthrow the current ruling class.
within the struggle for the independence of Catalonia, the working class is
internationalist and points to a society in which the economy is organized on a
global scale and where not only the exploitation of one nation by another
disappears but the antagonism of nations as such, because this exploitation and
antagonism are always characteristic of the capitalist and imperialist
working class approaches the national question as a class that fights for
political power, assuming all the problems of national life and, in the case of
Catalonia, the issue of independence. But this is not a separate struggle,
but an integral part of the more general struggle to seize political power and
the emancipation of the proletariat. (See Marx in Italy / Austria, letter
to Laube, May 1848, cited in "Marxism, the national and colonial
working class - as Marx and Engels taught us - takes part in national
struggles, as in the case of Catalonia, not only as a social issue but as a
matter of democracy. In fact, the referendum and the right to declare the
independence of Catalonia are democratic questions, supported by a fraction of
the bourgeoisie itself.
is clear - as Marx and Engels showed us - that the position of the communists
and the working class can not be the same as that of the false communists, who
ignore or even oppose the national question of Catalonia, taking socialist
arguments the side of the Spanish State. The struggle of the working class
is best developed in a situation in which there is no oppression of one nation
over another, also, in the concrete case, of an imperialist country.
the working class also participates for another important reason. The
participation of the working class as an autonomous force in the struggle in
Catalonia profoundly changes the terms of the problem, highlighting the
contradiction between the class interests of the Catalan bourgeoisie and the interests
of the masses. That because, always, also in the current Catalonia, the
bourgeoisie subordinates, and will subordinate even more, the interests of the
nation to its own interest.
is important to mention the quotation of Marx and Engels of 1849 in Neue Rheinische
Zeitung (cited in Marxism, the national and colonial question, Stalin), where
they point out that in the Italian dispute, Italian independence could be lost
not so much by the military power of Austria but rather because of the
cowardice of the Piedmontese monarchy. We can compare it with the attitude
of the current President Puigdemont in Catalonia.
is also important in order to understand the core of the point of view of Marx
and Engels, who did not limit himself to defending class action as an
autonomous force, but also calls to draw conclusions from the
conflict "The mass insurrection, revolutionary war ,
guerrillas everywhere are the only means by which few people can win a larger
group, and with which a weaker army can cope with a stronger and better
organized army. "
the proletariat as an autonomous class enters the battlefield and takes this as
the means to face the struggle in Catalonia, it is likely that the bourgeois
fraction that currently heads the movement "instead of
allying with the masses, will prefer to negotiate peace with his worst enemy .
and Engels teach us that in the current context of the struggle in Catalonia,
the participation of workers is of great importance, even if they are not fully
aware and even if they were small groups. Why is this
important? Because it can be the opportunity to open the way and prepare
the ground for the struggle for proletarian power in Catalonia, for a socialist
essence, in a developed capitalist society, and Catalonia is, even in the face
of national oppression by the Spanish State, workers have no
country. However, in such struggle they participate and take sides on the
national side of Catalonia, to advance the struggle for the liberation of the
working class, which excludes any oppression and exploitation of one nation by
another. This position is different from bourgeois nationalism, which aims
to continue oppressing the working class and the masses in a national
context. This participation of the working class goes against the
positions that, in relation to Catalonia, consider the national question as
alien to the working class.
again, taking into account the situation in Catalonia, the need arises for
communists who want to lead the working class as an autonomous force to
decisively confront opportunism of the right and of the "left".
first defend the cause of the Spanish State, arriving at the conclusion that
the Spanish State is the true framework of the class struggle, which naturally
leads them not to take advantage of the Catalan crisis to intensify the class
struggle in the Spanish State.
latter distance the working class from the liberation struggle in Catalonia,
leaving the field free for the bourgeoisie and contributing to maintain this
national struggle in the field of inter-bourgeois contradictions.
deviations, in fact, break the unity of the working class, which, just in the situation
of the Catalan crisis, would have the opportunity to get a good solid
foundation in the Spanish State and in Catalonia, which will then allow the
achievement of the objectives of power proletarian and socialism.
the same time, it is absolutely necessary in the current struggle for the
national independence of Catalonia not to allow any place for a position that
considers Catalonia to be something different from a developed capitalist
country. This would give rise to a vision of Catalonia as a proletarian
nation because it is oppressed, which is always a characteristic
of the bourgeoisie and its reactionary wing.
the struggle of the Communists against those who prevent the working class from
participating in this dispute is decisive, both in the Spanish State and in
Catalonia, particularly against those who paint themselves as leftists and / or
teaches us that if the Communists today abandon the immediate and decisive
struggle for the democratic question of the independence of Catalonia, they
will play the game of the bourgeoisie, both in the Spanish State and in
Catalonia itself. In the Spanish state, because they weaken the
progressive struggle for the independence of Catalonia, which without the role
and participation of the working class can not win; in Catalonia, because
they leave the bourgeoisie free to tie the masses in their car. On the
contrary, the role and participation of the working class will allow to
formulate and implement the claim of the independence of Catalonia in a
revolutionary and non-reformist way, and open the way, we repeat, to a
this reason, even in the face of the current exacerbation of the contradiction
between the Spanish State, led by the government of Rajoy, supported in various
ways by the other parliamentary parties in Spain, and the Catalan government of
Puigdemont, we must not be fooled by the slogans of the
bourgeoisies; these tend sooner or later to establish or line up behind
other imperialist powers to achieve their goals.