SALUTE LEGENDARY COMRADE SUNDER NAVALKAR FOR TURNING 100 –A
CRUSADER FOR LIBERATION WHO SHIMMERED SPIRIT OF REVOLUTION LIKE AN
INEXTINGUISHABLE TORCH.
By Harsh Thakor
Comrade Sunder Navalkar will be turning
100 on September 16th this year. This was truly a landmark in the Indian
Communist revolutionary Movement. It was symbolic of a spirit burning like an
inextinguishable light, traversing the most turbulent of Oceans or steepest
mountains. Even from the depths of despair or a grave she would lift the moral of
the workers. There is hardly an adjective than can do complete justice to her
impact on the working class and how she could knit a scattered force into an
army. There could be no better exponent or living proof that Marxism Leninism
is not dead and buried and that spiritualism an integral part of socialist
ideology. It was Sunder Navalkar who sowed the seeds of the Naxalite movement
in
With the meticulous skill of a surgeon and bravery of a
soldier she galvanised the workers into launching resistance through the United
Labour Union. Her impact was felt at important junctures like the historic
Railway workers Strike of 1974, Dalit Panther movement of 1970 and emergency in
1975. A major crystallization of democratic resistance to expose the nefarious
trends to breed fascism were confronted at the very roots by Comrade Navalkar. From
late 1970's she was one of the pioneering comrades in confronting the rightist
or neo-revisionist trends within the C.P.I.(M.L.) itself like that of Vinod
Mishra and Satya Narayan Singh. In December 1978 the Central Team of the
C.P.I.(M.L.) was formed of which Sunder Navalkar was one of the principal
architects. Few comrades made such a contribution in sowing the seeds of mass
line in
Some of the most notable strikes she launched were at the
Bombay Stock exchange building where tremors were caused to the profiteers, against
the Air India management and against Shapoorji Palonji construction group. The
permanency of Air
With great ideological clarity she refuted counter revolutionary trends like the ' Revolutionary Internationalist Movement’, ‘open party functioning' and replacing era of 'Leninism' with 'Maoism.' Although tooth and nail defending the erstwhile C.P.I.(M.L.) Peoples War group she had subtle admiration for the T. Nagi Reddy trend or the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (Marxist–Leninist)
(UCCRI(M.L.) in Mumbai. Whatever her differences she upheld
the contribution of Shanka Guha Nyugi as an immortal one in Chattisgarh. Within
the revolutionary camp she was critical of the Maoist trend that neglected
urban work. No revolutionary paper in the history of
In 1993 she published the national programme for youth which most analytically assessed the role and programme of the Indian youth in the new democratic revolution. In the last 2 decades she raised her bold voice and dipped her pen with utmost vigour against fascism like few, not underestimating it. With great humility she acknowledged the efforts of all the groups within the revolutionary camp, be it Red Star, Janashakti or Nagi Reddy groups, even if principally she defended the Maoist trend. She was vehemently critical of terminology of 'Maoism' replacing Mao thought and to the last tooth defended the C.P.I.(M.L.) formed in 1969.
Of course no person is without errors .Whatever her towering
achievements left sectarianism was expressed in her teachings and practice. She
was reluctant in adopting any positive stance to Marxist-Leninist outside the
pro-Charu Mazumdar camp and erroneously branded Tarimela Nagi Reddy camp as
revisionists or rightists. Most vehemently she opposed her organization C.T
from merging into the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) in 1994.Thus only the
VIEWS OF COMRADE SUNDER NAVALKAR (PUBLISHED IN LIBERATION) PARTY HISTORY
“The Central
Leadership of the C.P.I(M.L)failed to resolve correctly certain questions of
policy regarding mass line, military line and style of work. Instead of
devicing correct CT Marxist Leninist policies in the light of objective
analysis, the central leadership started devicing such policies subjectively.
Consequently our revolution received setbacks. The Central leadership gradually
deviated from the very ideological foundation of the party. They revealed a
sectarian, individualist and bureaucratic trend. The failed to mobiles all the
sincere C.R’s in he party, through ideological persuasion and political
struggle. Although the 8th Congress of the C.P.I(M.L),boldly drew a clear line
of demarcation between Marxism and revisionism, upheld the correct general
orientation and path of Indian Revolution, yet adopted certain left adventurist
policies on the questions of mass and military line. It asserted that mass
struggles and mass movements wee indispensable and that the principal
contradiction was that between feudalism and the broad masses. It is
significant that later in their April 1993 issue of Liberation they wrote, ‘The
C.P.I(M.L) had failed to understand the significance of consistent struggle of
ideological, political nature within the party and outside for further
quantitative and qualitative consolidation of revolutionary forces in and
around he C.P.I(M.L) Early success led them to sectarian politics and
organizational authoritarianism. They failed to realize the significance of
consistent struggle in each and every activity of party leadership brought
forth from C.PI. and C.P.M. Revolutionary broadness and flexibility was
replaced by authoritarian principles .The leadership failed to realize the
dimension of the converging process of revolutionaries in and around the party.
Opportunist onslaught within the party gave rise to organisational centralism.
“The heroic ideological struggle through concrete actions leading to armed
agrarian upsurge by the peasantry, the main force of revolution gave birth to
the re-organised Communist Party-the Communist Party of India(Marxist Leninist).
In 30 years the party has split into several fractions. Some of them claim to
be the party while others operate as part of the party. Many Communist
revolutionaries are divided in these groups. There has been failure of
Communist Revolutionaries to evaluate correctly the original/correct
formulation on which the structure of the party was built. The time is most
suited for the true Communist Revolutionaries to merge with the whole i.e. with
the “C.P.I.(M.L)” and from the centre to take up the responsibility of the
Indian Revolution which is New Democratic and principally an armed agrarian
revolution. We must establish the monolithic centre of democratic centralism
which was lost after 1972, when the original C.P.I.M.L disintegrated)The All
India Revolutionary Centre (re-establish the 8th Central Committee) of the
party must be re-established.” Quoting their report on work on the Trade Union
Front, “Contract labourers were given greatest importance in our work. Being
migratory labour great efforts were made amongst construction workers. In 1984 the
Construction workers historically rebelled against the govt. to win their
dearness allowance. They also fought against contract labour. A Red Union was
formed which was steered by our ranks. We differentiated our methods of work
from the revisionists. Illegal forms of struggle were adopted like Gherao, flash
strike. Despite being migratory, the construction workers could perform
painstaking work, when organized. Through protracted work class consciousness
was created, who could now lead and fight struggles against the Government and
management forces and take the command of any situation under the banner of the
Red Union. Workers should now choose their own union through the secret ballot.
Keeping the secret ballot demand we pressurized the Govt. deploying all forms
of struggle(Flash Strikes, indefinite Gheraos, Systematic posturing and
leafleting, newspaper coverage etc.)Though the management and the paper Unions
engaged in goondaism and filing legal cases against the
BABRI MASJID RIOTS
After the 1992-1993 post Babri-Masjid Communal riots the group in its article on Communalism stated, “The need of the hour is to tear apart the complete mask of the reactionary ruling classes and he real face of the communal fascist agents and parties through enhancement of class struggles and organizations. Our party observes that the reactionary ruling classes and all shades of Communal forces have miserably failed to rally the common masses. The communal fascist forces have no connection with the masses, but posse’s better striking power. Only by developing combat forces, enhancing class struggles sharper and sharper and building mass struggles can we isolate such forces. We need to strengthen the unity of the common masses in day to day movements and class struggles against the ruling class and the fundamentalist agents, develop combat forces amongst the masses, in mass struggles under the leadership of revolutionary forces.”
PARTY FUNCTIONING
“Some forces, in the name of taking opportunity of open activity make the whole party apparatus work openly I the name of the party, and organize mass programs and movements under the party banner. They fail to understand that the task of the party is to lead the masses in the path of protracted Peoples War. Only when masses come to realize the party politics through day to day movements, class struggles under the revolutionary leadership of the party, then only the party forces can move like a fish in water of masses, even when they have become completely exposed. Any short-cut system of building closer association with the people by presenting the party banner and identity will open the whole party forces to the enemies. The reaction ill remain superficial. The revolutionary party presents itself directly and openly to the masses in its own ways and actions but dose not expose it’s cadres to the enemies. Revolutionary methodology must be adopted to lead the masses and present the party. Consistent work must be done in leading the masses in their struggles and organizations.”
ON ARMED STRUGGLE
Another important analysis was the understanding on Armed
Struggle. “In the present struggles of Dandkaranya and Telengana armed struggle
has developed as principal content of people’s struggle .While crushing the
authorities of the reactionary state it is acting as a pivot to enhance the
peoples revolutionary struggles. In
ELECTIONS
The Central Team condemned participation in elections “It has been proved time and again that participation in Indian elections has failed to boost revolutionary struggles, on the other hand it has counter posed the revolutionary development of peoples Movements. The movements of Satya Narayan Singh and Vinod Mishra are the best example. Even the treacherous diversion of the Telengana Armed Struggle to parliamentarism was a historic lesson. Forces today that oppose participation plead for participation in the future.”
DEFENDING MARX, LENIN AND MAO
“Some people in the Communist Revolutionary Camp find fault with Marx-Lenin-Stalin-Mao and advocate petit-bourgeois formulas.( like Maoism or New Left ideas.)They put forward new concepts above the shoulders of Mao Tse Tung. Such people fail to understand that their partial knowledge of social development and revolutionary struggle can be developed only through practicing the teachings of Marx-Lenin-Stalin-Mao.”
ON PRINCIPAL CONTRADICTION
“Without sharpening the contradiction between the broad masses and feudalism, the contradiction between Imperialism and the broad masses cannot be strengthened. We must ideologically combat those who place Imperialism as the principal contradiction. Such people advocate an anti-Imperialist Front, patriotic Democratic Front Etc. They dilute the significance of anti-feudal struggle. Groups like the C.P.I.(M.L) (Red Flag) and the Indian Peoples Front (Vinod Mishra)are the best Examples. Such Groups have changed the principal contradiction as “alliance of imperialism and feudalism on the one hand and the broad masses on the other”, or between ” imperialism and the broad masses. ”We have to defend the formulation that the contradiction of feudalism with the broad masses is the principal contradiction with tooth and nail.”
[1] Vladimir Lenin, Karl Marx, Joseph Stalin and Mao Tse Tung.
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